Millions of people have had federal UI benefits cut off
Stated goal: speed the labor market recovery.
Is it working?
Tldr: Nope. Per person losing benefits, net employment changes by -0.14 to + 0.08. Uncertainty remains large.
What makes today special? BLS releases state employment data, so we can compare July employment in states that cut off benefits and states that did not.
The new data capture employment during the payroll period containing July 12. @pascaljnoel and @JoeVavra and I analyze.
First, we plot the change in employment by state, coloring each state by whether they terminated benefits
Second, although no sharp patterns pop out above, there still could be a small average effect.
So far, 26 governors have announced plans to cut off at least some federal benefits. 21 states are cutting off all benefits by July 5. This is where we might expect to see big fx.
There are (at least) two types of uncertainty: (a) sampling uncertainty because BLS uses a survey of firms and (b) counterfactual uncertainty because states that cut off benefits and states that didn’t differ in important ways!
To address (a), use standard errors provided by BLS. To address (b), use
The natural thing is to compare all states that cut off benefits with all states that didn’t. These states differ in important ways!
We consider two cases: 1. Difference in trends from October to May continues into June 2. Difference in trends from January to May continues into June
We interpret these cases as giving lower and upper bound point estimates.
We also explore different definitions of treatment (e.g. dropping states where benefits restored through litigation, adding states where only the $300 was terminated).
One more natural question is how many jobs were created on net for each person who lost benefits. (Lost benefits can mean either lost all benefits or lost the supplement.)
The analysis done here was filed as a pre-analysis plan which you can read here drive.google.com/file/d/1FOfijb… (I don’t have an OSF link yet)
Finally, I should add a little more about why uncertainty remains large. In some months in the past there have been big shifts between terminating and non-terminating states, even with no policy changes!
So maybe termination raised employment quite a bit and there was some offsetting shift. Or maybe termination led employment to fall quite a bit and there was some offsetting shift.
Another great thread by @gelliottmorris reaches the same conclusion
Finally, a lot of the responses on Twitter are “duh, this is obvious”. I disagree. Economists have found substantial disincentive effects of UI in many prior credible studies. In the coming years economists will hopefully study what makes this time different.
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Black and Hispanic households see their housing wealth grow less, contributing to the overall racial wealth gap substantially.
The large raw differences are mostly about differences in borrower characteristics, particularly about *place* of purchase.
The returns gap is 1) amplified by high leverage and 2) entirely concentrated in distressed sales (foreclosures and other sales arising out of delinquency).
Tomorrow is jobs day and everyone wants to know how early cut off of pandemic benefits will affect employment
I can tell you the answer tonight... you won't learn anything tomorrow‼️
no state data are released ‼️
🧵 on evidence from 5 other data sources that *are* by state
TLDR: four data sources point to no significant/detectable effect, one data source finds a decrease in employment. issues with parallel trend assumptions and inference are plentiful though.
1) The BLS releases state-level employment estimates based on the establishment survey two weeks after the national numbers. For July data, have to wait until August 20. Analysis of the June state-level estimates is here. Looks like a noisy zero.
The plot above shows that for people who got regular UI in 2019, non-UI income falls at exactly the same time that UI kicks in (green line).
Regular UI in 2020 (orange line) income starts to fall four weeks before UI kicks in
PUA (blue) income starts to fall ten weeks before
There is also a smaller decline in income after UI receipt for the blue line. Two likely interpretations:
--PUA recipients account for smaller share of HH income
--some PUA recipients have already gone back to work by the time they finally get their benefits
Disincentive remains small even after job openings up
An overarching theme of the pandemic has been to view the supplements as responsible for the biggest problems (slow employment recovery, usually conservatives) and the biggest successes (rising wages at the bottom, usually liberals).
Our results are inconsistent with both views.
Instead, it makes sense to think of the effects of pandemic UI primarily as an ambitious anti-poverty policy. I can’t think of a time before when a country gave *full* insurance to earnings losses (examples welcome in the comments)