I've been telling y'all for a loooong time:

Pelosi has a history of walking back an initial progressive demand in pragmatic deference to the Senate.

And she signaled back in June that the initial linkage demand wasn't all that firm in the first place.

Here's my own recap...
...June 30 is when I first saw Pelosi define the linkage demand in looser terms than generally assumed...

...Pelosi's spox quickly pushed back on me in a quote tweet, but didn't actually debunk the point...
...which I explained in this @monthly piece...
washingtonmonthly.com/2021/07/02/nan…
..that piece also recalled what happened in '09-'10, when Pelosi made a big progressive demand for public option, only to climb down when the Senate balked...
...then in August, we had the Mod9 power play, to which Pelosi responded to with a "rule" (which sets up floor debate and final vote) that effectively linked advancement of BIB to advancement of the budget *resolution*, not budget *reconciliation*...
...When I first called attention to that, Pelosi's spox again quoted-tweeted and explicitly said that passage of reconciliation in the Senate had to precede House passage of BIB (sorry, I refuse to say BIF after the framework became a bill)...
...after some drama, Pelosi & Mod9(+1) settled on a rule that enacted the resolution while simultaneously fixing a date for BIB consideration. As a literal matter, BIB advancement was linked to the resolution, not reconciliation...
...Pelosi still stuck with rhetoric that suggested BIB and reconciliation would happen in conjunction, until making political and legislative reality plain to her caucus tonight...
...now, to the suggestion below, Pelosi's plan does not automatically means BIB passes by 9/30. Progressives could still hold out, and Republicans may not offset those defections...

...But the CPC/Squad position had long been buttressed by the perception of being in sync with Pelosi's. Now it isn't. Now voting "Nay" is a vote against leadership. We'll see if the CPC's numbers hold up...
...to the commenters who don't care for my pundit victory cap, the point here is not to mock progressive House members for (possibly) losing. The point is you can't successfully exert leverage without a clear-eyed assessment of power dynamics...
...the bottom line of my July 2 analysis wasn't "progs gonna get hosed." It was this:
...Progressives hoped to exert leverage through brute force and public shaming (i.e. see below). But a clearer read of moderate leverage might have led to an earlier breaking of bread.

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More from @billscher

15 Aug
"I have requested that the Rules Committee explore ... a rule that advances both the budget RESOLUTION and the bipartisan infrastructure package" (emphasis mine)

I told y'all 6 wks ago washingtonmonthly.com/2021/07/02/nan… Pelosi had in mind tying BIB to the resolution, not reconciliation...
...To refresh, on June 30 I flagged comments from Pelosi that gave her wiggle room to treat the resolution as sufficient for moving forward on BIB...
...Pelosi's spox quickly reacted to that tweet to say "No change in position here"...
Read 10 tweets
1 Jul
House punting the budget resolution to the Senate, reports @lindsemcpherson rollcall.com/2021/07/01/hou…

The budget resolution is going to effectively determine the infrastructure toplines. And House isn't going to directly weigh in.

Point for Team Manchin.
@lindsemcpherson Why isn't the House putting forth their own resolutions? Because it would be too hard to reach consensus: "The panel's chairman, John Yarmuth, D-Ky., had hinted as much earlier in the week, noting the split within his party on the subject..."

Disunity weakens leverage...
The Senate is also not unified: "[Yarmuth] heard that Sanders is struggling to unify his committee around a proposal. Yarmuth said he was told that Sanders has only locked in support of nine of the 11 Democrats on [the budget cmte]"...
Read 4 tweets
7 Jun
Some *major* historical context missing here

Byrd backed a compromise lowering cloture threshold to 60 for legislation while *keeping* it at 67 for rules changes

Byrd voted *against* a nuclear option attempt, which would be needed to lower the threshold to 55

Story time...
In February 1975, a bipartisan coalition led by Walter Mondale and James Pearson proposed lowering cloture to 60 across the board...

legislativeprocedure.com/blog/2019/3/8/…
They tried to get around the 67-vote cloture threshold through a "nuclear option" maneuver (though it wasn't called that), blowing past cloture and overruling a point of order by simple majority...
Read 29 tweets
7 Jun
The filibuster didn't start to foster bipartisanship, and it didn't start to perpetuate slavery or Jim Crow.

It started in Ancient Rome.

I explain here
realclearpolitics.com/articles/2021/… but first a thread...
The person who deserves the most credit for inventing the filibuster is Cato the Younger, though the Romans called it "diem consumere" or to consume the day. (See @GoodmanRob1 & @jimmyasoni theatlantic.com/politics/archi… & politico.com/magazine/story… ) ...
Cato's (talking) filibusters were not designed to foster compromise. They were obstructionist tactics designed to stop wealth consolidation and authoritarianism.

He tried to slow Caesar's roll. When he failed, rather than live under Caesar's rule, he killed himself...
Read 18 tweets
11 May
Only 3 times since Reconstruction has the president's party gained House seats in the midterm.

But what's the common thread through those 3 times?

Crisis.

I wrote about it for @monthly washingtonmonthly.com/2021/05/10/dem…

But let's look at those 3 cases...
@monthly 1934: FDR begins to dig out the Great Depression with the New Deal. Net gain 9 seats.

1998: GOP launches impeachment inquiry during economic boom, boosting Clinton. Net gain 5 seats.

2002: Post 9/11 national security concerns boost Bush & GOP. Net gain 8 seats.

...
@monthly We have also one more case of the president's party losing less than 5 House seats.

1962: JFK's Democrats lose just 4 seats one month after the Cuban Missile Crisis.

...
Read 8 tweets
10 May
"Roughly 4 in 10 of [Biden's] votes came from people of color ... Trump’s voters, by contrast, were overwhelmingly white, 85% ... with just 15% coming from people of color, mostly Latinos"
"Biden also gained from increased support for Democrats among white voters with college educations ... Biden didn’t improve among whites without a college degree ... but he didn’t lose any further ground among a group that remains a majority of voters in many key states."
"In 2020, Latino and Asian voters increased as a share of the electorate, while the white share declined. The share cast by Black voters remained steady."
Read 4 tweets

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