..that piece also recalled what happened in '09-'10, when Pelosi made a big progressive demand for public option, only to climb down when the Senate balked...
...then in August, we had the Mod9 power play, to which Pelosi responded to with a "rule" (which sets up floor debate and final vote) that effectively linked advancement of BIB to advancement of the budget *resolution*, not budget *reconciliation*...
...When I first called attention to that, Pelosi's spox again quoted-tweeted and explicitly said that passage of reconciliation in the Senate had to precede House passage of BIB (sorry, I refuse to say BIF after the framework became a bill)...
...after some drama, Pelosi & Mod9(+1) settled on a rule that enacted the resolution while simultaneously fixing a date for BIB consideration. As a literal matter, BIB advancement was linked to the resolution, not reconciliation...
...Pelosi still stuck with rhetoric that suggested BIB and reconciliation would happen in conjunction, until making political and legislative reality plain to her caucus tonight...
...now, to the suggestion below, Pelosi's plan does not automatically means BIB passes by 9/30. Progressives could still hold out, and Republicans may not offset those defections...
...But the CPC/Squad position had long been buttressed by the perception of being in sync with Pelosi's. Now it isn't. Now voting "Nay" is a vote against leadership. We'll see if the CPC's numbers hold up...
...to the commenters who don't care for my pundit victory cap, the point here is not to mock progressive House members for (possibly) losing. The point is you can't successfully exert leverage without a clear-eyed assessment of power dynamics...
...the bottom line of my July 2 analysis wasn't "progs gonna get hosed." It was this:
...Progressives hoped to exert leverage through brute force and public shaming (i.e. see below). But a clearer read of moderate leverage might have led to an earlier breaking of bread.
"I have requested that the Rules Committee explore ... a rule that advances both the budget RESOLUTION and the bipartisan infrastructure package" (emphasis mine)
The budget resolution is going to effectively determine the infrastructure toplines. And House isn't going to directly weigh in.
Point for Team Manchin.
@lindsemcpherson Why isn't the House putting forth their own resolutions? Because it would be too hard to reach consensus: "The panel's chairman, John Yarmuth, D-Ky., had hinted as much earlier in the week, noting the split within his party on the subject..."
Disunity weakens leverage...
The Senate is also not unified: "[Yarmuth] heard that Sanders is struggling to unify his committee around a proposal. Yarmuth said he was told that Sanders has only locked in support of nine of the 11 Democrats on [the budget cmte]"...
They tried to get around the 67-vote cloture threshold through a "nuclear option" maneuver (though it wasn't called that), blowing past cloture and overruling a point of order by simple majority...
Cato's (talking) filibusters were not designed to foster compromise. They were obstructionist tactics designed to stop wealth consolidation and authoritarianism.
He tried to slow Caesar's roll. When he failed, rather than live under Caesar's rule, he killed himself...
"Roughly 4 in 10 of [Biden's] votes came from people of color ... Trump’s voters, by contrast, were overwhelmingly white, 85% ... with just 15% coming from people of color, mostly Latinos"
"Biden also gained from increased support for Democrats among white voters with college educations ... Biden didn’t improve among whites without a college degree ... but he didn’t lose any further ground among a group that remains a majority of voters in many key states."
"In 2020, Latino and Asian voters increased as a share of the electorate, while the white share declined. The share cast by Black voters remained steady."