Perhaps even more important is recalling the flawed assumptions, data and conventional wisdom that made this piece so important at the time, even as it seems fairly obvious in some ways today (at least to me)
After the 2012 election, the conventional wisdom held that Obama's victories reflected the power of a new coalition of the ascendent, or even an emerging democratic majority, powered by sweeping generational and demographic shifts
A lot of this flowed from the 2012 exit polls, which showed Obama winning just 39% of white voters--lower than any Democrat since Dukakis. But he nonetheless won easily, as Latinos surged to 10% of the electorate and whites fell to just 72%
This was interpreted to mean that the Republicans had essentially maximized its support among white voters, and the party lost because it lost ground among growing Latino votes. Therefore the RNC autopsy focused on cultural moderation and immigration
It's difficult to overstate the power of this interpretation at the time.
Before FL/exits, the story of the election was Bain, the autobailout, and the Midwestern Firewall.
After FL/exits, even Sean Hannity felt he had to embrace immigration reform!
politico.com/blogs/media/20…
For Dems, the implication was that they didn't need to think about white voters and especially white working class votes anymore. They could more-or-less win without them--or at least without trying to win them.
The assumption, again, was that Obama was the worst case. He was at a multi-decadal low among white voters, and it was obvious why: he was black, elite, liberal. He struggled back to the '08 primaries against Clinton, their next nom. Virtually every D Sen cand ran ahead of him
If so, then the thing Democrats needed to focus on was mobilizing the so-called Obama coalition: young, Black, Latino voters. That was the part that was plausibly unique to Obama, that was the party that distinguished Obama from Kerry. And that the party couldn't count on.
This interpretation of the Obama coalition was bolstered by the nature of the Dem losses in' 10 and '14, which really were partly because of a big GOP turnout edge, including low turnout among young/black/latino voters
As the piece in the original tweet shows, huge swaths of the interpretation summarized in this thread were wrong--even completely wrong. The data it was based on was wrong, as well.
Obama's decisive strength was among white, working class northerners.
As a result, major strategic choices flowed from this erroneous interpretation of the American electorate. Obama pushed gun control and esp immigration, rewarding the group for seemingly deciding the election in his favor. Big swaths of the GOP establishment embraced it too.
In doing so, a lot of the conditions for Trump's victory fell into place. The GOP establishment, including all its top candidates like Rubio and Bush, seemed to sell out its base by embracing immigration reform and arguing for moderation.
Democrats, meanwhile, leaned into a strategy that basically omitted the white working class entirely. A huge white education gap had emerged in Obama's ratings by fall of 13 (maybe 14, forget).
At the same time, a triumphant youth liberalism became dissatisfied with limited progress and moved toward the left, exemplified by Bernie, BLM, etc.
This created added pressure on Democrats, esp in the '16 primary, to move left to hold the 'Obama coalition'
You know how the story ends: the real Obama coalition--an alliance of northern white working class voters and high Black turnout--evaporated
nytimes.com/2016/12/23/ups…
One interesting thing, though, is that the traditional narrative of the Obama coalition was so powerful that it persisted way after the article in the original post. Many people were deeply reluctant to believe that Clinton lost because of mass defections among northern wwc.
It should be noted, btw, that this was clear throughout the campaign. It was evident at the start of the campaign nytimes.com/2016/06/30/ups…
And at the end
nytimes.com/2016/11/07/ups…
Since then, Democrats have charted a fairly different path to victory--certainly a more novel one than the Obama coalition: run up the score among white college graduates, a group that didn't even vote for Obama in '12, while losing ground among virtually every other demographic
This probably slightly paid off in the national vote?
Biden won by 4.5 pts, while Obama won by 3.9 pts. It's probably more efficient in the House, too.
But college grads are underrepresented in the Midwestern states, so Dems are at an E.C. disadvantage now
On the first question, my boring answer is 'yes' when Biden's approval rating is over 50 and it's 'no' when his approval rating is under 50 percent
I'd note that right now Biden's ratings among core Democratic constituencies--ie everyone but white college grads--seems to have tanked a bit, perhaps temporarily
nytimes.com/2021/10/01/us/…

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More from @Nate_Cohn

1 Oct
A few extra thoughts on this thread, mainly responding to various questions, criticisms, etc.
One overarching point, which I think is fairly obvious but worth stating: this is not a comprehensive account of everything that led to Trump. It's account of the effect of an inaccurate electoral narrative, which is hardly the only thing that helped Trump!
To take one obvious example: Clinton's unpopularity, emails, sexism, etc., does not get mentioned once. That is not because it's unimportant! It's because it's a different issue; it does not stem from bad exit polls or something.
Read 29 tweets
28 Sep
I deleted a prior tweet about the Michigan congressional map, which implied the state doesn't have an explicit partisan fairness criteria for redistricting. It does, though without embracing a specific test
The map, to my mind, is almost exactly what you would expect if you ignored partisanship altogether. That's not the same as a gerrymander, of course. But it is definitely not an effort to achieve partisan fairness, even if that's very difficult to pull off in Michigan
This is a place, though, where the failure to define a serious partisan fairness test is going to get reformers into problems. It barely even matters what the test is, just that you choose it.
Read 4 tweets
27 Sep
It's not yet really reflected in the congressional legislation, but election subversion has belatedly been getting serious attention in recent weeks.
When I wrote about subverison and the Georgia law in early April, the term hadn't really even been once over the preceding month. It was badly overshadowed by voter suppression. Now there are congressional hearings, conferences and real if early ideas for dealing with it
As the noise of new GOP voting laws has faded, it's become more obvious that subversion is the more serious risk to democracy. The persistence of the 'big lie,' Trump's grip on the GOP, the Eastman memo, and more, have helped keep the issue in the lime-light. It won't go away
Read 5 tweets
23 Sep
I continue to find this map to be pretty strange, but one thing that I find less surprising is that there are lots of Democrats aren't thrilled by it
I think it's strange in a few ways. One is that it goes through a lot of twists and turns to achieve relatively little? Taking all of their general goals/choices for granted, IDK what they've gained over this simple one--which has the added edge of the 35% Latino VAP CD as D+20
Another strange thing is that the maps gradually became somewhat less fair and more GOP leaning, by partisan fairness metrics, and I'm not really sure why. Even the preliminary plan--which seems more reasonable to me on other respects--was met with some push back from Democrats
Read 6 tweets
23 Sep
Though even this non-trolly version of 50 year old conventional wisdom is 40 or 50 years old
I'm reminded of an influential book from 1970, "The Real Majority," which was very influential in the Nixon White House, centered around the idea that the median voter was an 'unpoor, unblack and unyoung' middle-aged, middle-class, midwestern white (wife in Dayton, specifically)
This, of course, is not nearly as true as it was in 1970. To some extent, the sense that 'popularism' is revisionist--despite being the conventional wisdom--reflects an Obama-era overreaction, when many seemed to conclude that demographic changes had been greater than they were
Read 6 tweets
18 Sep
Washington Post poll in Virginia is a bit of an odd one, and a departure from their state polling in prior cycles
Most obviously, they've gone from pure RDD in 2020 to an RDD+RBS sample, presumably to gain some of the benefits of the voter file while preserving full coverage.
Whatever the merits of that choice (most state telephone pollsters just go with RBS only), they try to blend the two samples in an odd way: they de-dupe the RDD frame, weight each to the full population, toss together (as oppose to voters with or without RBS coverage + p sltn)
Read 6 tweets

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