I have a question about DASH forms, and wonder if someone can help?
If police respond to an allegation of rape, and the victim/complainant and suspect are in a domestic relationship, is a DASH assessment conducted?
1/
Why am I asking? Because in the context of understanding the police recording of rape, I'm trying to work out if it is possible to identify the % of rapes reported via DASH forms, secondary to a different primary allegation of domestic abuse/violence.
2/
For context: around 1/3 of police recorded rape allegations relate to domestic relationships. I'm told many are recorded after being disclosed during DASH assessments.
Eg police respond to a domestic assault, conduct a DASH assessment, the victim discloses a previous rape.
3/
My impression is that the likelihood rape allegations disclosed during DASH assessment are formally recorded as rapes (and therefore counted as such) has increased in the context of the renewed scrutiny of crime recording over the last 7-8 years.
4/
I have also seen/heard it suggested that such rape allegations are especially unlikely to result in charge, including because in some cases the victim never intended to report a rape in the first place. Eg assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl… (p.19)
5/
Hence, changes to the way in which rapes are reported, combined with changes to police crime recording practices, may account for part of the change in charge and conviction rates in recent years. #crimestats
The answer - from replies here, but especially via DM - is yes, a rape reported involving a domestic relationship would result in a DASH form being completed. That means we can't use the presence of a DASH form to know whether a rape allegation was the primary offence or not.
7/
Incidentally, I've been reading the 2019 London rape review, which includes this london.gov.uk/sites/default/… (p.21)
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Some discussions in the press about how charge/summons rates vary by police force area.
Here I've prepared some charts to look at rape and other sexual offences, for the 3 years from 2018/19 to 2020/21 (inclusive).
First, rape charge rates.
1/
A very wide range of charge rates (as at July 2021: these data are periodically refreshed).
Durham are in a league of their own, with a 7.1% charge rate. Wilts, Kent, A&S and GMP all under 2%. Met Police on 2.3%. #crimestats
2/
Here's the same data with the 3 years separated out.
Note that rape offences that reach a charge typically take a long time to investigate, so those reported in 2018/19 have had longer to reach a conclusion, and not all rapes recorded over the 3 years are finalised yet.
Re. the concerns raised about the potential for a large rise in #stopsearch: it is of course quite possible that forces like the Met will choose not to do so.
I personally don't foresee a return to the days of #opblunt2 and the wholesale use of s60 #stopsearch powers, which I think were used in the late 00s well beyond the original intention of Parliament (in 2007 I raised that with a Met Commander when I was working there).
2/
What makes me think that? Well for one thing, I know there are officers in positions of influence at the moment who express reservations about the efficacy of #stopsearch as a wholesale strategy. I think the culture has moved on (though recognise that could change).
3/
"The policing minister has defended plans to ease restrictions on stop and search powers for police, saying there is no feasible alternative if knife crime is to be tackled" #stopsearch
Note the policy relates to s60 ('suspicionless') powers only. This is significant because many officers will tell you most stops done under s60 could be done under a suspicion-based power (eg s1 PACE), and therefore there often is a 'feasible alternative' to s60. @kitmalthouse
Worth adding that s60 powers are only used in a v small minority of #stopsearch
.@EssexBarrister I appreciated your contribution yesterday to the discussion on Sky. Wondered if I might offer a few pieces of the puzzle re disproportionality in terms of crime and policing?
1/
Nationally, '...among the broad ethnic groups, Black people were most likely to live in the 10% of neighbourhoods most deprived in relation to crime (27% of this group did so)’ ethnicity-facts-figures.service.gov.uk/uk-population-…
2/
In London (and elsewhere), areas (here boroughs) with more crime are allocated more police officers (TNO = Total Notifiable Offences)
Here's a question: do police officers get any training on the risks of logical fallacies (and/or statistics...)?
What am I on about? Bear with me...
[Short thread]
1/
I attended (virtually) a meeting the other day at which several attendees described their/their colleagues' experiences of being stopped and searched by police during lockdown. Most of the cases related to s23 drugs #stopsearch-es. A couple had received media coverage.
2/
Eg 2 scenarios. (i) Black man sitting in his nice car (in a fairly deprived area) minding his own business, police stop next to him and ask him to get out for a s23 drugs search. (ii) Young people delivering food parcels #stopsearch-ed on suspicion of dealing drugs.
3/
Some focus today on an increase in s60 #stopsearch by the Met during lockdown, eg in this article by @sloumarsh. I'd like to suggest that's a bit of a red herring.
Here are the MPS #stopsearch monthly totals by reason for search/power, fr June 2018 to June 2020. Huge increase in totals over the period, driven by drugs stops (s23).
The s60 totals are in red at the bottom (Jan'20 1.2k, Feb 505, Mar 710, Apr 292, May 1.4k, Jun 678).
2/5
And here are the monthly percentages by reason for search/power for the same period.
s60 peaked at 27% in Aug18 and 12% in Aug19 (both Notting Hill Carnival). Was 4.6% in Jan 2020, 2.2% in Feb, 3.0% in Mar, 1.0% in Apr, 3.3% in May and 2.3% in June #stopsearch