I've been thinking quite a bit recently about two things relating to this:

(1) Would it help if British policing explicitly acknowledged it's role in *creating* the unequal society it now polices, due to overt individual and institutionally racist practices in the past?
(2) I feel like policing has had relatively little to say about doing policing *with not to* Black communities - which in many cases are more vulnerable/victimised. In the Met, the model of specialist units being sent in to do stop and search is arguably an example of doing to.
I've made the point repeatedly before that there may be clues about how to better police with communities (in London) from the early days of Operation Trident - which the likes of Cressida Dick and Neil Basu should know well, having been involved.
Trident was, after all, created partly at the behest of Black communities - but it also had a strong and vocal Independent Advisory Group. That distinct presence and voice was lost once Trident was reorganised.

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More from @gmhales

13 Dec
One striking finding of the London Rape Review 2021 is that the (joint) most common reason for victim withdrawal from police investigations was that the victim 'did not intend to report rape'.

london.gov.uk/sites/default/… Image
The researchers note that victims who disclosed (they use the word 'reported', but I'm not sure that's accurate) rapes in response to DASH questions were 3x as likely to withdraw than victims who reported in other ways.
These will in many cases be DASH risk assessment processes conducted in response to allegations of violence, where a disclosure of rape is made in response to a direct question asked by a police officer about any history of harmful sexual behaviour/sexual abuse.
Read 5 tweets
8 Oct
Some discussions in the press about how charge/summons rates vary by police force area.

Here I've prepared some charts to look at rape and other sexual offences, for the 3 years from 2018/19 to 2020/21 (inclusive).

First, rape charge rates.

1/
A very wide range of charge rates (as at July 2021: these data are periodically refreshed).

Durham are in a league of their own, with a 7.1% charge rate. Wilts, Kent, A&S and GMP all under 2%. Met Police on 2.3%. #crimestats

2/
Here's the same data with the 3 years separated out.

Note that rape offences that reach a charge typically take a long time to investigate, so those reported in 2018/19 have had longer to reach a conclusion, and not all rapes recorded over the 3 years are finalised yet.

3/
Read 16 tweets
6 Oct
I have a question about DASH forms, and wonder if someone can help?

If police respond to an allegation of rape, and the victim/complainant and suspect are in a domestic relationship, is a DASH assessment conducted?

1/
Why am I asking? Because in the context of understanding the police recording of rape, I'm trying to work out if it is possible to identify the % of rapes reported via DASH forms, secondary to a different primary allegation of domestic abuse/violence.

2/
For context: around 1/3 of police recorded rape allegations relate to domestic relationships. I'm told many are recorded after being disclosed during DASH assessments.

Eg police respond to a domestic assault, conduct a DASH assessment, the victim discloses a previous rape.

3/
Read 8 tweets
29 Jul
Re. the concerns raised about the potential for a large rise in #stopsearch: it is of course quite possible that forces like the Met will choose not to do so.

1/

theguardian.com/uk-news/2021/j…
I personally don't foresee a return to the days of #opblunt2 and the wholesale use of s60 #stopsearch powers, which I think were used in the late 00s well beyond the original intention of Parliament (in 2007 I raised that with a Met Commander when I was working there).

2/
What makes me think that? Well for one thing, I know there are officers in positions of influence at the moment who express reservations about the efficacy of #stopsearch as a wholesale strategy. I think the culture has moved on (though recognise that could change).

3/
Read 7 tweets
27 Jul
"The policing minister has defended plans to ease restrictions on stop and search powers for police, saying there is no feasible alternative if knife crime is to be tackled" #stopsearch

1/ theguardian.com/law/2021/jul/2…
Note the policy relates to s60 ('suspicionless') powers only. This is significant because many officers will tell you most stops done under s60 could be done under a suspicion-based power (eg s1 PACE), and therefore there often is a 'feasible alternative' to s60. @kitmalthouse
Worth adding that s60 powers are only used in a v small minority of #stopsearch

3/
Read 5 tweets
27 Nov 20
.@EssexBarrister I appreciated your contribution yesterday to the discussion on Sky. Wondered if I might offer a few pieces of the puzzle re disproportionality in terms of crime and policing?

1/
Nationally, '...among the broad ethnic groups, Black people were most likely to live in the 10% of neighbourhoods most deprived in relation to crime (27% of this group did so)’ ethnicity-facts-figures.service.gov.uk/uk-population-…

2/
In London (and elsewhere), areas (here boroughs) with more crime are allocated more police officers (TNO = Total Notifiable Offences)

3/ Image
Read 17 tweets

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