Rob Ford Profile picture
Jan 20 19 tweets 4 min read
Another eventful 24 hrs. Quick thread on some of the reasons why, despite the first Con to Lab defection since the Blair years, and first call for Johnson to resign from a senior figure (David Davis, former Brexit secretary and leadership contender), Johnson looks more secure 1/?
The defection paradox: Having an MP join the opposition looks even worse than having an MP call for your resignation. But it isn't. MPs calling for a change of leader can see this as loyalty to party over leader. But defection to the opposition is betrayal, pure and simple
The stories have dried up: As far as I can see there have been no new revelations of parties since late last week. The most destabilising events this week have been reactions to stories already out there - Cummings' accusation, Johnson's interview with Beth Rigby
It is unclear if this relative quiet reflects all the controversial events known about now being in the public domain, or a decision by journalists and editors to wait for the Sue Gray report before taking further stories public
The latter might make sense on two grounds - revelations now will swiftly be pushed out of the news by the report, whereas if journalists have stories which either expand upon or contradict Gray's findings, that will be a massive deal once that report is out.
The Cummings factor: Cummings' accusation is a double edged sword. On one hand, misleading the House is a resignation matter. On the other hand, absent cut & dried evidence it shifts the story from Johnson vs the rules to Johnson vs Cummings - & the latter isn't trusted either
"Who do you believe? The fool or the knave?"

The bleeding in the polls has slowed: The Cons and Johnson have slumped in the polls, and the latest ones show no recovery. But they don't show any further slippage either. That may lessen the sense of crisis & urgency
The Micawber factor: Regicide is hard. Most Con MPs are relatively inexperienced (a majority joined the Commons since 2015). For many the desire to wait & see what turns up rather than take a controversial & risky stance which burns bridges with colleagues must be strong.
The lack of further dramatic revelations may have stayed the hand of unhappy waverers, as may the defection yesterday. And there are reasons to wait - Sue Gray, energy price rises, local elections, candidates for succession need time to prepare
All of this could change v swiftly. The sword of Damocles is still hanging over Johnson by a slender thread - he is unpopular and the public emphatically reject his account of events. At present it still looks like a case of "when, not if" re: either resignation or a challenge
And the 1922 Committee look likely to change the rules to fray the thread further - by enabling Johnson to be challenged again after 6 months if he prevails in the first confidence vote. Thus enabling MPs to put him on notice, then finish the job later this year if necessary
Leaders are resilient figures - they have to be to get to the top. Johnson has bounced before. But I suspect some, perhaps most, of the damage to his personal brand is now permanent. Con MPs have to decide is a tainted Boris is still a better bet than the alternatives. /ends/
One longer-run problem for Johnson - the two factors which drove his big win in 2019 - desire to "Get Brexit Done" and fear of Corbyn-led government - are no longer available. He needs an agenda for renewal but any feasible agenda risks antagonising part of his unweildy coalition
Cut taxes/cut regulation/"Singapore-on-Sea" - delights economically right wing activists and traditional Con MPs in traditional seats, but will enrage the new MPs in Midlands/North promised big spending on investment and "levelling up"
Spend big, build big, "level up" - delights the new MPs, but upsets the traditionalists who ideologically oppose big state and higher taxes.
When Johnson's personal stock was riding high, he could probably ride out unease from one faction or another. But now (like Theresa May in 2018/19) he has to make decisions which will annoy some MPs, and they have no incentive at all to grin & bear it.
Given Johnson already has an engrained tendency to U-turn under pressure, that wld suggest if he does survive, we will have a period of messy statsis ahead, as govt flip flops and goes round in circles under the cross-pressures of an internally incoherent coalition

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More from @robfordmancs

Jan 19
So, despite a long eventful day, maybe we still are still a little way from the moment of truth? Always easier to delay than decide.
Read 4 tweets
Jan 19
Lots of excitement last night, but in the cold light of a wet Manchester morning I'm still a little sceptical that the confidence vote in Johnson will arrive immediately. Feels like we've been here before, with Theresa May, in autumn 2018
Five reasons for scepticism:
1. Main contenders for the job don't seem to want a contest right now (and will presumably have some sway over many of their followers)
2. Delay always easier than decision and ST reason to wait is available - "lets wait for Sue Gray report"
3. There is medium term reason to delay too - better for new leader to have April's energy price rises and May's potentially bad local election results out of the way before taking office
Read 6 tweets
Jan 17
Perhaps "the people partying in Downing Street were massively out of touch with what lockdown was like for everyone else " works as an explanation for what happened.

It certainly doesn't work as a defence - this (along with lying & hypocrisy) is what people are angry about.
It might also be pointed out that another way in which "Whitehall's pandemic was markedly different" is that senior policymakers knew far more about the horrible conditions NHS workers were enduring in this period. It might be hoped this knowledge wld influence their behaviour.
To be clear - I'm not saying Seb or any of those quoted are offering a defence of this behaviour in this article.
Read 4 tweets
Jan 16
Looks like there will be a report on academic freedom shortly, presenting results of a survey of 650 academics including 300 professors from UK, Aus, US, Canada. One of those professors was, I think, me. Here's what I thought of the survey in June 2021
Here are the thoughts of @SRDorman

I don't know if they completed the survey (as I did) but provide some further illustration that those with survey research expertise issues with the question wordings used in this survey at the time
Read 13 tweets
Jan 11
I think Cummings is right here - this is a faulty inference from social media, where there are two very active "sides" with intense and increasingly entrenched prefs. Polling shows public aren't like that at all on Covid though - instinctively cautious & responsive to new info
This is also what we would expect from incentives. Brexit encourages expressive preferences signalling tribal affiliation because stakes are v low for most people. COVID incentivises accuracy and responsiveness because stakes are high (literally life & death
I also don't think there's much meaningful read-across from Brexit to COVID attitudes, again due to incentives. Leave elites have tried to push libertarian, anti-mask, anti-lockdown messages. Fallen flat w/Leave voters (older, poorer) who don't buy into ideas that cld kill them
Read 5 tweets
Jan 10
The puzzling thing about this is that many of Corbyn's advisors correctly diagnosed the 2019 launch of ChuK/TIG as a doomed enterprise given the electoral system and Labour's profile and organisational dominance. Why would they assume a Corb/PJPP would do any better?
On the one hand, there probably is a more geographically concentrated radical left-Corbyn sympathetic vote, and Corbyn is a higher profile figure than any of the TiGgers. On the other hand, the strongest seats for a Corb/PJPP would be seats where Lab is *very* dominant
Main impact of ChUK-TIG was to remove a number of Labour MPs who were never on board with Corbyn's leadership. Most were replaced with pro-Corbyn (or at least Corbyn-accepting) MPs. Would be ironic if Corbyn himself now performed the same service for his successor
Read 4 tweets

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