Americans and our allies need to grapple with the reality: We don't and won't have a military big enough to increase commitments in Europe *and* have a chance of restoring our edge in Asia against China. We *must* prioritize. Arguments that don't reckon with that are misleading.
We should look for ways to deter Russian aggression into Ukraine. But reflexive calls for bigger US military commitment to NATO can't be part of it. We know we're on a losing trajectory in Asia unless we sharply focus there. The solution: Europeans taking up their own defense.
The fact is that 1) Asia is much more important than Europe. Asia will be 50%+ of global GDP. Europe will be 10% within 20 years. 2) China is a *much* bigger challenge than Russia. PRC is 1/5-1/4 of global GDP. Russia a fraction of that.
There's absolutely no good reason why Europeans - above all Germans - shouldn't provide the bulk of their own conventional defense. They're fully capable of it. European NATO dwarfs Russia in GDP. And it was what Eisenhower and Marshall envisioned when creating NATO.
Right now we have a situation that is both strategically untenable and inequitable, in which the US is expected to shoulder the main burden of European NATO defense. Can't go on. And if something can't go on, it probably eventually won't.
Either we'll shift gracefully toward Asia, giving Europe a soft landing (maybe too late for that). Or there'll be a shock in Asia and we will have an East of Suez moment, when we'll have to dramatically cut other commitments to prioritize Asia.
This shows that where the US *really* needs creative strategies is in Europe and the Middle East. We can't go on auto-pilot but we also can't just ignore them. We need strategies that fully account for constraints but have a plausible way to meet our (more modest) objectives.
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This argument doesn’t survive the most basic scrutiny. Bottom line: I’d recommend checking out the Biden Administration’s report on China’s military buildup in the context of last twenty years. Decide for yourself whether it’s a serious thing.
Also FWIW I’m not really a hawk on North Korea so gives you a sense of how much the argument travels.
Logically, it’s not at all clear that more proximate states will always see the threat clearer, especially small ones with limited analytic capacity. Were 1939 the Netherlands and Denmark more “hawkish” on Germany than Churchill? They were more immediately threatened.
My book "Strategy of Denial: American Defense in an Age of Great Power Conflict" is out. I hope you'll consider reading it. In the interest of persuading you it's worth your time, the blurbs are 👇 & threaded below.
“This is a realist’s book, laser-focused on China’s bid for mastery in Asia as the 21st century’s most important threat.”— @DouthatNYT
“Rigorously argued and compelling. This book will define the basis for future debate about U.S. defense strategy in Asia. Mr. Colby earns a place as an intellectual heir to the Cold War strategists who thought seriously about how to thwart Soviet designs." @DAlexBlumenthal
I welcome debate w @HalBrands & @ZackCooper & this important contribution! But I think lets have the debate where it actually is. Tho they link to Bob/my piece (foreignaffairs.com/articles/unite…) as opposing "realism" example, their piece isnt engage w our actual arg. Some egs&thoughts. 1/
Our arg is that competition w/China isn't ***primarily*** ideological. Used word 5 times in article. World is complex so ideology et al play a role in int'l politics but our point was that primary driver is state power. Not trying to be cute - we made clear arg for primacy of 2/
state power in intl politics - but that's different than "purging ideology from American statecraft." Ditto: "Better, these analysts argue, to approach the rivalry in realpolitik terms—as a cold-eyed contest over power." In fact we said "We are not proposing a one-dimensional" 3/
Wait a minute. Say what you will but Trump Admin was 💪 on Taiwan . Blaming US *attempt to focus* & clarity on need to confront China for China’s aggressiveness against 🇹🇼 is frankly absurd. Beijing is menacing all by itself. Trump Admin recognized need to address the problem. 1/
The notion that US caused China to want to invade b/c strengthening our defense capability & signaling resolve is ridiculous. China’s ambitions re Taiwan are driven much more by: 1) revanchism, 2) Taiwan’s value on way to regional hegemony, 3) PRC +++ military power. 3/
I'm a huge Max Hastings fan so ☹️ to see this. A number of points I have w his piece but the bottom line is this: The *WORST* US policy is half-pregnancy, which keeps our cred attach to Taiwan but doesn't resource ability to defend it. This is most dangerous & damaging if war. 1/
If Taiwan isn't worth it &/or too costly/risky to defend, we should ensure our cred isn't attached - which it now is. But if we leave this vulnerable part of our perimeter ill-defended, China has *even more of an incentive* to challenge it - beyond just revanchism. 2/
If Hastings & Blackwill/Zelikow think that, then the right policy for them should be to *abandon* Taiwan. Deftly, diplomatically, etc. but still to extricate our cred from its fate. Not ambiguity. That wld minimize the damage to our cred in Asia. 3/
Quite extraordinary @POTUS speech #MSC2021. V liberal hawk. 🌍view basically ideological - systemic clash b/democs vs. authoritarians, *both* 🇨🇳&🇷🇺. Strategy based on big big bet that democs will align, yet signal is burden-sharing talk is hortatory. 1/
Don't take it from me. Here's @POTUS: "We are in a fundamental debate about the future & direction of our world. We’re at an inflection point b/ those who argue that autocracy is the best way forward & those who understand that democracy is essential..." 2/
"I believe that — every ounce of my being — that democracy will and must prevail. We must demonstrate that democracies can still deliver for our people in this changed world. That, in my view, is our galvanizing mission. 3/