But one likely content is an Order-making power to alleviate regulatory burdens.
(HMG has itself imposed reg burdens of immense scale!)
HMG press release cites a special status
for retained EU law. This is technically correct, but overstated (a subject for another day). David Davis created this status in his EUWA 2018, which was passed to avoid a legislative vacuum.
It rolled over all EU law & included powers to change it if it would be defective after leaving. EUWA also recognised the self-evident fact that UK Parlt can change EU law (EUWA, s7). (Though obvs in line with international obligs inc TCA/WA).
What's the difference
between using Parliament's ordinary legislative power to change EU law by Act, and creating a new Order-making power for Ministers? Well, one, a bit of showmanship and headline-grabbing.
But, two, Orders (SIs) go through a different
parliamentary process (actually one of two processes). They have either to be approved by both Houses, or to lay before Parlt for 40 days without being voted down. These processes usually involve committees, but an Order can be debated on the floor of the House. So? Well ...
A *Bill* has four substantive stages in each House. An SI only has one. If debated in the Commons, an SI gets a maximum of 90 mins debate, and, crucially, it can't be amended.
Non-Govt amendments are rarely made to Bills. But they allow debate which sometimes leads to Govt amdts
in response. This is one of the most useful things that happens in the two Houses.
Govts use the fact that SIs can't be amended to raise the stakes against rebellion. Do you really want to defeat us outright?
SIs are almost never defeated in either House. Last time in HoC was
1979. It's more common in HoL, but still only five times this century. Bills, on the other hand, while also v v rarely defeated, do get amended, often by the Govt in response to concerns raised during the various stages of
debate.
So, if a regulatory burden is "fill out three forms" and Min replaces it with one, well and good. But if the burden is the length of a shift between breaks, and the Min increases it from 11 hours to 14, not so well and not at all good. Debate on a Bill might well
apply pressure over something like that, and one could imagine a compromise amendment being offered by Govt.
Orders have their place, but only for genuinely technical matters.
When the Bill is published, look for the details.
(Btw, that Govt press release is contentious
and another example of dubious politicking in the guise of public information. Presenting negotiated common rules for mutual benefit as messy compromises is laughable propaganda for a public actually living through the #BrexitChaos of leaving them!)
The "special status" of EU law was created by HMG in response to concerns from HoL Constitution Cttee. It asked, would retained EU law be primary or secondary? HMG amended EUWA 2018 so that this retained EU law kept existing status. This has implications
for how retained EU law can be amended and whether it can be challenged in Court.
Those bits considered primary can be amended only by other primary leg (Acts) or secondary leg that specifically can do so (Henry VIII powers).
They can be challenged in Court only on v narrow grounds. Those bits of retained EU law considered secondary can be amended by primary and any secondary leg, and can be challenged in Court in normal way.
This "special status" is really just a "clarified status".
As to potential
difficulty of amending things by statute, HMG expressly addressed this. Constitution Cttee wanted all EU law to become primary; HMG rejected as this would make it cumbersome to modify and could thus derail any shadowing of EU law then envisaged.
So to moan about "special status" is to admit yet again that they got it wrong. But bear in mind, secondary powers during EU membership were drafted with the limitation imposed by EU law in mind. Had, eg, all retained law been open to change by Order, a massive increase in powers
would have occurred. That's why so much retained EU law is regarded as primary. To give Parliament a full say in changing it.
The "special status" is smoke and mirrors for a potentially massive expansion of Executive power.
Russian action to take eastern Ukraine would satisfy the need to avoid climbdown, strengthen control of the territory, and most importantly raise stakes against NATO expansion. Classic brinkmanship: by not provoking a maximal response Putin expands margin for future action.
Whether this actually happens is anyone's guess, never speculate, but it demonstrates that the "minor incursion" concept is the most dangerous. Full invasion justifies NATO expansion/tough response, while partial action gives Biden the way out he seems to want.
Standing firm isn't the same as bellicosity, something the US seems to have forgotten.
This is the toxic legacy of the absurd unthinking pacifism that did the rounds on the left in the first decade of this century. Shifts of public opinion provoke the danger of weak leaders.
So @stellacreasy continues her campaign to stigmatise photography.
We already have laws against voyeurism and harassment, which all of us should support, and I do.
Has she ever tried being a male photographer? Routinely we are abused, threatened,
chased ... I've been casually catcalled as a pervert for taking a photo of an empty beer bottle, I took a photo of a dog burying its ball in the sand and was asked if it was "better than taking pictures of other people's kiddies" and am endlessly challenged, glared at, chastised.
This comes from police, security guards, shopkeepers, youths, parents, passers-by ...
Labour's defeatists are out in force today, following Saint Keir's latest affirmation that #VoteLabourGetBrexit is true.
1: It is open to the UK to apply to #RejoinEU any time it likes. Nothing prevents KS campaigning on that.
2: The EU has a fixed interest in getting UK back.
It would represent an historical defeat of Euroscepticism and a 14% expansion of their market.
3: Politics is about leadership. With the consequences of Brexit so real now, it is feasible to argue for Rejoin more effectively than pre-2019.
4: Membership of EFTA precludes
membership of customs union - it's not allowed per EFTA treaty. EFTA unlikely to admit UK on basis that it wants to leave again to join EU. Not an easy sell.
5: If you can sell SM to voters, you have sold something less beneficial than EU membership. EU is easier because it
I'm still seeing people who are concerned about feasibility of #RejoinEU on the basis of misunderstanding the accession process.
1: it's a process. Not a request, to be accepted or rejected. Think less slamming door, more, please wipe your feet.
2: no applicant is ready to join when they apply.
Two whole stages, screening and negotiation, are devoted to identifying gaps with EU law, and closing them.
Accession can be thought of as the process of becoming admissible.
3: the first stage, the Copenhagen criteria and those in the TEU, is not an 11+. The EU likes to expand. Copenhagen was created to see if former Soviet satellites had really moved on. That they were democracies, able to withstand market forces, with ability to enforce EU law.