If you as a citizen don't know the answer to this, communication has failed.
Public support requires clear communication about goals & involved uncertainties, costs & benefits.
🧵(1/17)
Why is now more important than ever?
Because omicron has decoupled cases and epidemic severity.
Before all strategies led to suppressing cases.
With omicron, it is possible to suppress severe disease with vaccines & treatment without suppressing cases. (2/17)
Should countries suppress cases or suppress disease?
Hong Kong has imposed the toughest restrictions yet in the face of omicron, choosing to suppress cases: scmp.com/news/hong-kong…?
Scandinavia has lifted all restrictions, choosing to suppress severe disease. (3/17)
It is important to be clear about end goals for reasons of public support.
Our research (in print in @SciReports on Tue!) shows that goal-oriented communication facilitates public understanding and support for pandemic measures: psyarxiv.com/gxcyn/. (4/17)
Furthermore, we have tracked almost 400,000 Danes during the pandemic. We find that a measure of trust in the pandemic strategy and the perceived clarity of the information about the strategy are key predictors of distancing and vaccinations: github.com/Hopeproject202… (5/17)
This is in line with work on procedural fairness: link.springer.com/chapter/10.100…. People accept costly decisions, if they view the decision-making process as fair. Fairness reflects, in part, impartiality & neutrality, which are tied to principled goal-oriented decision-making. (6/17)
We should care about public support, if we care about democracy.
Liberal society is a social contract. Restrictions put rights on hold. But safety is a right too. The legitimacy of restrictions to ensure safety comes from the public's consent, just as with criminal law. (7/17)
Pandemic management cannot resort to restrictions just because communication fails. It is succesful communication that makes restrictions legitimate. The best analysis of this co-dependency of communication & sanction comes from Ostrom: books.google.dk/books?id=daKNC…. Read it. (8/17)
This also puts responsibility on citizens. They need to process communication in good faith. Not all will.
Decreasing support may itself undermine reasonableness, as we know from research on motivated reasoning: psycnet.apa.org/doiLanding?doi…. This creates a vicious circle. (9/17)
But specifying end goals is not just about support. It is about democratic accountability and the protection of rights.
@vdeminstitute notes that a large number of countries worldwide have "violated democratic standards for emergency responses." (v-dem.net/shiny/PanDem/) (10/17)
@vdeminstitute also notes that a large number of countries are at risk of democratic backsliding during the pandemic.
And we know (e.g., from post-9/11) that governments are often better at imposing new tools than removing those tools: ojs.library.queensu.ca/index.php/surv… (11/17)
So, it is key that citizens understand the factors that govern pandemic management & can hold govts accountable, both if restrictions are not lifted when unnecessary *&* if restrictions are not used when needed. The latter is part of the social contract too. (12/17)
In Denmark, this is built into the law of the epidemic response.
The goal is defined as avoiding "serious disruption of critical societal functions": retsinformation.dk/eli/lta/2021/2…. Without this threat, restrictions need to be removed. Otherwise, restrictions need to be used. (13/17)
Operationally, Danish parliament interprets this as the avoidance of overwhelmed hospitals and, hence, the lifting of restrictions was unanimously supported.
Other countries may prioritize differently, focusing on suppressing cases, e.g, due to concerns about long covid. (14/17)
No matter the goal, it is key to communicate the uncertainties. An example is this Norwegian review on long covid: fhi.no/globalassets/d…. It is also important to communicate the involved costs as have been central in the Danish response: fm.dk/media/25157/hv… (15/17)
While authorities may fear communicating about uncertainty and costs, research suggests that this may not harm their trustworthiness: pnas.org/content/117/14…. Beyond being a normative obligation, it may in fact build trust: pnas.org/content/118/29…. (16/17)
In sum, it is key that you know the end goal of the pandemic strategy.
This builds support, it creates accountability & it guards against democratic backsliding.
If you are acting in good faith & if you at this point don't know, then your government has a problem. (17/17)
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
PSA to anyone interested in informing public discourse about the severity of the epidemic situation in Denmark (and maybe elsewhere):
Show extreme care when sharing screenshots of cases & admissions from @OurWorldInData or similar
Let me explain in 3 plots. (1/6)
Omicron generates very high case counts but lower severity, disrupting the indicators & patterns we have all been tracking for 2 years.
The plots I'll now show are all from Danish Center for Disease Control's (@SSI_dk) weekly monitoring report: ssi.dk/-/media/cdn/fi…. (2/6)
#1
With a lot of infections many will be admitted with but not because of covid. The plot below shows the development. Red is "because of". Right now only 55 % of admissions with a positive test are because of covid. (3/6)
Twitter is so terrible because with social media even the illiterate masses get to voice their views, right?
Wrong.
In a new preprint, we find that the most hateful in political discussions are more resourceful: Engaged, efficacious & educated: psyarxiv.com/tp93r/
🧵(1/10)
We obtained US survey participants' Twitter IDs in order to connect their psychological & political profile to Twitter activity (N=2012). In addition to toxicity & sentiment, we assessed their tweets' level of political hate with this classifier: psyarxiv.com/8m5dc/. (2/10)
Our preferred measure ("political hate") is significantly predicted by political engagement, political interest, internal efficacy and education. For toxicity and sentiment, results are in the same direction. We see no evidence that hostility is higher among the unengaged. (3/10)
Today, Denmark lifted *all* restrictions, while cases are soaring.
The international reaction: Disbelief.
I am leading the largest Danish project on pandemic behavior & I am advising the gov.
Here is why Danes are still supportive. And what may be learned from this.
🧵(1/19)
The graph is from here: ft.com/content/037a3a…. It shows the complexity of the epidemic situation. Cases are extremely high, hospitalizations are rising and deaths are rising slowly too. But people in ICUs are dropping. (2/19)
Despite this, a clear majority of the public supports removing all restrictions (nyheder.tv2.dk/samfund/2022-0…). A minority (28 %) is concerned. (3/19)
Den faldende støtte afspejler sig også i en faldende opbakning til en række restriktioner. Der er stadig flertal for en række - også hårdere - restriktioner, men niveauet er faldende. (2/10)
Faldet i opbakning kan skyldes en faldende bekymring. Folk er lige nu mere optimistiske end bekymrede. Og de er (en anelse) mere bekymrede for nedlukninger end for deres eget helbred. Der er dog stadig høj bekymring for hospitalernes kapacitet. (3/10)
The end will not be easy. Moving a public out of a crisis demands as much leadership as activating the initial crisis response
A research-driven 🧵 on a key challenge of 2022 & how to deal with it
(1/13)
The graph shows the % of Danes using masks daily from a N~400,000 survey from our @HopeProject_dk
The ups-&-downs reflect when authorities required masks. It is a case of optimal crisis behavior: Immediate strong compliance when needed. Immediate relaxation when possible. (2/13)
A coordinated public response requires (1) clear advice from authorities, (2) high levels of trust in that advice, and (3) shared feelings of threat. Studies of crisis responses thus find that trust & threat are their key causes: doi.org/10.1080/002239… (3/13)