Another @RadioFreeTom style “bad feeling” thread and why we need to both deal with a breaking crisis but also think and plan long term. 1/
First bad feeling: scorched earth. For years at track 2 events, Russian interlocutors would complain that the West was inviting Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic community but expecting Russian energy transit fees to continue to be supporting the Ukrainian treasury. If the 2/
statement from @BrunoLeMaire posted earlier is the endgame for Russia, I worry Russia gives the West Putin’s version of the Pottery Barn rule for Ukraine: we broke it, you own it. 3/
Who is going to lead and pay for Ukraine’s reconstruction and integration? For the EU, how much attention and funds Ukraine gets will be contested against other priorities (Western Balkans, greater Mediterranean, etc.) plus the willingness of EU domestic publics to shoulder 4/
the burdens. As @andrewmichta & others might agree, an ambiguous narrative of Ukraine as “relatively European” won’t be sufficient. 5/
For the U.S., where Ukraine fits in to long term strategic priorities needs to be addressed. @ElbridgeColby among others is warning that continuing to delay or postpone Indo-Pacific needs, esp. the long term sustained investments that will take years to be completed, 6/
cannot be constantly distracted by responding to near term crises. Asian partners who have seen rhetoric not match resources for the last ten years of the so-called pivot/rebalance will draw their own conclusions. 7/
I am convinced that India’s fence-sitting on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is not simply post Soviet nostalgia but a very real concern about keeping Russia as an option for fear U.S. commitment to prioritize the region will be inconsistent.
This brings us back to the @IanBrzezinski / @ElbridgeColby debate in @FPRI Orbis. Does responsibility for postwar Ukraine fall primarily on European shoulders (with the U.S. less prepare to backfill any deficiencies) in order to concentrate on Asia, or does the U.S. play 9/
a leading role but gets even stronger commitments for a more robust European effort in the Indo-Pacific? And both sides of the North Atlantic need to start thinking much more creatively about how Africa needs to be much better integrated into the Atlantic community. /10
If we are headed into long term competition with China with a post Ukraine Russia firmly bound to Beijing creating @vtchakarova’s #dragonbear, then Africa, and Latin America, become key components of a new arsenal of democracy. But this takes preparation and focus. END

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More from @FPRI_Orbis

Mar 3
As we watch internal developments in Russia and see pressure from sanctions growing, I’ve been getting questions as to whether we will see a change of leadership in Russia. A short thread drawing in lessons from Venezuela & Iraq. 1/
We often conflate personnel change with regime change and even state change, but these are three different things and depending on what our preferred outcome is elites and power brokers react quite differently. 2/
In the West, we experience personnel change all the time, but the regime—the rules, institutions, pathways into the elite, the parameters of winning and losing—remain constant and predictable. The mantra in politics or business is win some, lose some, but the stakes are not 3/
Read 22 tweets
Mar 3
Does China have a clear economic incentive to get the Russians out of Ukraine and get some sort of settlement? Building on this earlier thread and then examining a must-read @ForeignPolicy piece on the #geoeconomic dynamic. 1/
China's land transport corridor across Eurasia is imperiled, both by the war and by sanctions. @Andreebrin of the @RISAPOfficial notes, "Poland is home to train routes connecting China to Europe along the New Eurasian Land Bridge. 2/
This railway corridor that crosses all of Eurasia—running through Kazakhstan, Russia, and Belarus—has become an important branch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), dubbed the iron silk road." 3/ foreignpolicy.com/2022/03/01/bel…
Read 7 tweets
Mar 2
Briefly, also seeing a good deal of confusion. A No Fly Zone is a declared region and airspace over which specified types of aircraft cannot enter. But people are saying that a NFZ would allow strikes on Russian convoys. That means enforcing a No Drive Zone or No Movement area.
Longer points, now that I've finished teaching Cold War ... our modern discussion about NFZs begins in aftermath of 1991 Gulf War. Fear about Saddam Hussein's use of air power to crush Kurdish and Shi'a rebellions leading to massive refugee flows gives UN basis to generate 1/
resolution that Hussein's use of air power presents threat to peace and security of the region. In south, Hussein regains control with land power. In north, where Kurdish peshmerga fighters can hold some territory, NFZ allows for de facto autonomous area--although NFZ cannot 2/
Read 15 tweets
Mar 2
Reporting that the Biden administration is preparing measures that would stop the import of Russian oil to the United States is a stunning turn around. Only a few short months ago, the Biden administration was pleading with Russia, Saudi Arabia, and others to increase production.
The political team around the president was insisting that high prices at the gas pump was political toxin. Russia last year surged to become the second source of imported oil for the United States.
Either the president believes that the American people are prepared to pay a higher price in order to punish Russia for its invasion of Ukraine, or he is prepared to pay the domestic political consequences.
Read 4 tweets
Mar 2
This is the map of how countries voted in the UN to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine. @aallermann spells out the coding: blue voting in favor, red voting against, not voting or abstaining (in other words, not to actively condemn Russia). A geopolitical lesson. Another 🧵1/
In 2019, I penned a paper for @IERES_GWU discussing Russian grand strategy in the Middle East. A concept I've been trying to flesh out is how one part of Russia's approach is keep other major powers "invested in the maintenance of Russia as a great power capable of exercising 2/
influence and projecting power." In other words, channeling Bill Gates, we have to find a way to make them need us. 3/ centralasiaprogram.org/wp-content/upl…
Read 14 tweets
Mar 2
Since @RadioFreeTom tagged me in a post on Cold War history, and he has been having spirited debates on his feed about managing escalatory risks with Russia over Ukraine (the no-fly-zone won't lead to nuclear escalation argument), I thought I'd develop a🧵on Cold War rules. 1/
And @RadioFreeTom, @20committee, @MinerPhD, @andrewfacini and others, feel free to jump on in. Starting premise: as restated by many senior U.S. officials, U.S.-Soviet confrontations could never rise to the level of open combat between U.S. and Soviet units. 2/
That, of course, did not mean "do nothing." The U.S. and Soviets would engage in proxy conflicts all over the world during the Cold War. But what happens if one side was directly engaged in hostilities? What were the "rules"? 3/
Read 13 tweets

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