Essentially, conspiracy theorists are engaging in moral grandstanding when it comes to rationality. Moral grandstanding has been linked to status motivations (journals.plos.org/plosone/articl…), which again predict the sharing of false, hostile rumors (psyarxiv.com/6m4ts/). (3/10)
While moralization of rationality is often believed to be an antidote to misinformation (journals.plos.org/plosone/articl…), this entails that it may be significantly more complicated. (4/10)
To examine this, we conducted two studies, 1 exploratory & 1 preregistered. Participants were exposed to hostile, denigrating & false news stories (as well as some true in Study 2) and provided self-reported sharing motivations (as well as accuracy judgements in Study 2). (5/10)
Moralized rationality (measured as here: journals.plos.org/plosone/articl…) *positively* predicts sharing of both true and false hostile news - as well as belief in true hostile news. (6/10)
Why? As predicted from the moralization literature, moralized rationality tracks status-traits related to grandstanding, which again predict sharing motivations. ~65 % of the association between moralized rationality & sharing is explained by status-oriented traits. (7/10)
Does that mean that data & evidence has no bearing on the circulation of false information? No. Shifting focus from moralized *motivations* to actual *abilities* to inhibit impulsive thinking, we find that such abilities lower sharing. (8/10)
To track this ability to inhibit impulsive thinking, we focus on the cognitive reflection task (nature.com/articles/s4146…) and intellectual humility (doi.org/10.1080/002238…). One feature of intellectual humility may be key: Knowing what you don't know & who knows better. (9/10)
All in all, we provide evidence that you shouldn't take expressed preferences for evidence, data & thinking at face-value. Those engaging most in such grandstanding may, in fact, be most susceptible to false information. Instead, we should value - and foster - humility. (10/10)
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Hvad betyder konflikten med Rusland for danskernes vurdering af hvem, der er en dygtig politiker?
I 2015 undersøgte vi lige præcist dét spørgsmål.
Vores forskning viser, at borgerne efterspørge nye, dominerende sider af politikerne - men kun så længe striden står på.
🧵(1/11)
Mød Christian Mortensen. En fiktiv folketingspolitiker, som 1524 repræsentative danskere blev præsenteret for.
Deltagerne mødte CM i én af to udgaver. For hver deltager var det tilfældigt, hvilken udgave, som de mødte. Èn var venlig. Èn anden knap så venlig. (2/11)
Her er det, som vi kalder den ikke-dominerende personlighed. Denne CM er en samarbejdende type, som sætter pris på andre.
A study did a meta-analysis of 40 studies on campaign effects on candidate preferences in the US and conclude that "the best estimate of the effects...is zero": doi.org/10.1017/S00030…
(3/16)
Hvor mange har de seneste dage stillet sig selv spørgsmålet: Ville jeg gribe til våben?
I 2016 stillede vi faktisk 1012 danskere det spørgsmål bl.a. i lyset af, at "Rusland opfører sig mere og mere aggressivt".
Her er hvad de svarede. 👇
🧵 (1/6)
Efter introen, der beskrev en mere ustabil verden med bl.a. et mere aggressivt Rusland, blev det repræsentative udsnit af danskere præsenteret for en række scenarier, herunder dette 👇 (2/6)
Derefter spurgte vi, om deltagerne forestillede sig, at de ville protestere mod regimet, hjælpe modstandsfolk, deltage i modstandskampen og bruge vold.
31 % forestiller sig, at de "ville bruge fysisk vold for at fremme modstandsbevægelsens mål". (3/6)
I advised the Danish government on behavioral science during the pandemic.
In APS Observer, I wrote my advice on how to give advice when your discipline is (A) obviously important but (B) face discussions about replication: psychologicalscience.org/observer/scien…
I outline 3 lessons.
🧵(1/4)
1. Focus on decision-makers’ mental models.
Don't push single studies. Focus on broader models of behavior & help decision-makers *think* in the right way (e.g., "prioritize trust-building"). This facilitates better decisions even when you aren't there.
(2/4)
2. Focus on blind spots.
In a pandemic, there are many health advisors but few behavioral advisors.
You are your field's representative & should raise the problems & trade-offs that outsiders don't see (e.g., the perils of polarization & perceived control loss)
The rage & fear you feel after the Russian invasion are ancient parts of your mind preparing - like clockwork - for a world of conflict.
After 10 years of research in the lab & field, it is surreal to feel it unfold in my own mind
A 🧵 on what happens & with what effects (1/16)
I lived during the Cold War but never felt its threat. Many Westerns have never experienced anything remotely like war.
But you are more than your experiences. Your mind was designed by natural selection and the genes you carry are adapted to a different world. (2/16)
That world included violent, group-based conflict. Scholars disagree on the details of the prehistory of war. But group conflict is universal, ancient & significant enough that it may have shaped our basic psychology (doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a…) (3/16)
Individuals who fight in armed conflict tend to be anti-democratic.
With one exception: Violent resistance in defence of democracy.
🧵 on our research on the psychology of violence & why the ultimate defense of democracy requires understanding anti-democratic impulses. (1/14)
Democracy is the principled recognition of equality in power. Autocracy is the opposite.
Psychologically, an orientation to autocracy draws its strength from so-called dominance motivations (doi.org/10.1177/095679…). (2/14)
All humans seek status. But paths differ (doi.org/10.1037/a00303…). *Prestige* is status in exchange for problem-solving. *Dominance* is the desire to acquire status from fear via intimidation & aggression.
In the game of status, dominance is the strategy of the predator. (3/14)