Gavin Hales Profile picture
Mar 9 9 tweets 4 min read
I wasn't aware until yesterday that #policeworkforce data on police officers in E&W are now published with a detailed breakdown of their ethnicity (18+1 categories).

Here's the full breakdown as at Dec 2021, in numbers and percentages.

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Here's Asian representation - this is the % of police officers in each force.

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Here's Black representation, again by force. Note the importance of police officers with mixed Black/White heritage - and especially Black Caribbean/White heritage - to overall Black representation.

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A reminder that 47% of people in E&W with Black or Black/White mixed heritage live in London

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And here's a link to a recent thread in which I examine the contribution of people with mixed heritage to Black and Asian representation in the police service.

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And here's White representation. I've included the data on 'not stated' and 'prefer not to say' here as I strongly suspect the vast majority will relate to White officers (e.g. see D&C and Dyfed-Powys).

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Source for the detailed police officer ethnicity data (not published for police staff, PCSOs etc): Home Office Police officer uplift, England & Wales, quarterly update to Dec 2021: Workforce open data table new recruits assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl… via gov.uk/government/sta…

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Finally, here's a link to my thread from yesterday looking at female representation

#policeworkforce

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Adding the breakdown of police officer ethnicity published by the Metropolitan Police, because the categories are slightly different. The use of Black British (and relatively few Black Other) seems important. Note the broken horizontal x-axis.

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More from @gmhales

Mar 10
This isn't the first time I've seen this issue raised, and it's interesting that the Met's (relatively recently introduced) internal workforce ethnicity data has a (well used) Black British category - and also Black Asian (v few), but not Asian British.

I've heard from a number of officers that the lack of a Black British option in monitoring eg stop and search has caused issues with members of the public feeling their self-identity is not reflected in/respected by police systems.
The framework for ethnicity questions is set by ONS, for the Census, for use across public services, and that may be the proper place for the issue to be explored, in conjunction with eg the Home Office.
Read 4 tweets
Mar 8
Charting changing female representation among police officers in England and Wales from 2007 to 2021.

Up from 23% to 32% nationally. #IWD2022 #policeworkforce

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The same data indexed to 2007.

Derbyshire have made the biggest gains in female representation (up from 22% to 36%), CoLP the lowest (up from 20% to 24%).

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Source: Home Office Police Workforce Open Data Tables, 31 March 2021 assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl… via gov.uk/government/sta…

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Read 5 tweets
Dec 13, 2021
One striking finding of the London Rape Review 2021 is that the (joint) most common reason for victim withdrawal from police investigations was that the victim 'did not intend to report rape'.

london.gov.uk/sites/default/…
The researchers note that victims who disclosed (they use the word 'reported', but I'm not sure that's accurate) rapes in response to DASH questions were 3x as likely to withdraw than victims who reported in other ways.
These will in many cases be DASH risk assessment processes conducted in response to allegations of violence, where a disclosure of rape is made in response to a direct question asked by a police officer about any history of harmful sexual behaviour/sexual abuse.
Read 5 tweets
Dec 12, 2021
I've been thinking quite a bit recently about two things relating to this:

(1) Would it help if British policing explicitly acknowledged it's role in *creating* the unequal society it now polices, due to overt individual and institutionally racist practices in the past?
(2) I feel like policing has had relatively little to say about doing policing *with not to* Black communities - which in many cases are more vulnerable/victimised. In the Met, the model of specialist units being sent in to do stop and search is arguably an example of doing to.
I've made the point repeatedly before that there may be clues about how to better police with communities (in London) from the early days of Operation Trident - which the likes of Cressida Dick and Neil Basu should know well, having been involved.
Read 4 tweets
Oct 8, 2021
Some discussions in the press about how charge/summons rates vary by police force area.

Here I've prepared some charts to look at rape and other sexual offences, for the 3 years from 2018/19 to 2020/21 (inclusive).

First, rape charge rates.

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A very wide range of charge rates (as at July 2021: these data are periodically refreshed).

Durham are in a league of their own, with a 7.1% charge rate. Wilts, Kent, A&S and GMP all under 2%. Met Police on 2.3%. #crimestats

2/
Here's the same data with the 3 years separated out.

Note that rape offences that reach a charge typically take a long time to investigate, so those reported in 2018/19 have had longer to reach a conclusion, and not all rapes recorded over the 3 years are finalised yet.

3/
Read 16 tweets
Oct 6, 2021
I have a question about DASH forms, and wonder if someone can help?

If police respond to an allegation of rape, and the victim/complainant and suspect are in a domestic relationship, is a DASH assessment conducted?

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Why am I asking? Because in the context of understanding the police recording of rape, I'm trying to work out if it is possible to identify the % of rapes reported via DASH forms, secondary to a different primary allegation of domestic abuse/violence.

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For context: around 1/3 of police recorded rape allegations relate to domestic relationships. I'm told many are recorded after being disclosed during DASH assessments.

Eg police respond to a domestic assault, conduct a DASH assessment, the victim discloses a previous rape.

3/
Read 8 tweets

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