Gentle reminder that courts can, among other things, order an interlocutory stay on the application of a law/measure. In other words, a law would not operate until the courts have determined if it is valid. So, @ABDanielleSmith's examples are wrong.
Under option 2, the Province, after filing its initial court application challenging the federal law/measure, could file a motion for the interlocutory stay. This would be heard and decided very quickly (usually within a few weeks of the initial court application).
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Courts do not, of course, automatically grant stays; they decide based on how well the facts meet the legal test for one. But this example creates a compellng case for a stay being granted as, in the absence of one, the litigation would become moot before it is decided.
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The main difference is that it would be an independent judiciary that would be deciding on the stay in accordance with established jurisprudence, as opposed to a Legislature doing so on a partisan/political basis.
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Note that the interlocutory stay could also be sought in the 3rd option. If the Sovereignty Act is invoked, the federal government could seek a stay of its operation in addition to challenging the constitutionality of the Act.
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Bottom line:
There is a process that respects rule of law and the role of an independent judiciary to adjudicate the federal law/measure, and which can suspend the law/measure's operation until the courts can make a ruling.
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This seems more sensible than a process that tries to usurp the role of the courts and which may not even achieve its desired goal in the short term much less the long.
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Overview: many people with knowledge of constitutional law, including law professors, have raised concerns that the ASA will be unconstitutional. My hope is that Ms Smith's overview will take a thoughtful look at those criticisms and join the growing number opposed to it.
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What is the ASA?
A proposed law that would usurp the role of the independent judiciary and undermine rule of law, which is fundamental to democracy.
It does. It isn’t materially different than the CPP in terms of premiums and benefits. Of course, the CDP will make some investments motivated by political concerns, not financial returns, unlike the CPPIB. It’s not sound investing, but hey.
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Yes, it wants fewer immigrants and strongly prefers French language skill over other qualities. Means more talent and growth for the Rest of Canada, though.
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I have questions. 1. How is this enforced? Will courts strike down laws that aren’t “as simple as possible”? 2. What happens if a law is written in pretty simple language but could be simpler? Do we allow some room for close enough, or does it have to be redone?
3. All federal legislation is bilingual, and also must reflect the bijural nature of our country. What happens if the only way to make the English version simpler makes the French version more complicated (or vice versa)?
4. Finding simpler ways to draft something takes time and effort. Are there exceptions for when legislation must be done urgently, such as many of the COVID-19 emergency measures were? What circumstances would signal the legislation is an exception to the simple rule?
Politics is often about crafting a statement that is technically correct but which allows for misleading impressions to be drawn when those impressions can be politically beneficial. In that light: #cdnpoli#cpcldr
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Dr Lewis’s blog on the Nuremberg principles is notable in that the specific examples cited (two of which dealt with Black and Indigenous people in North America) are good reminders of how we have failed to meet those principles.
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They particularly show how marginalized people have been mistreated medically by governments, particularly if also racialized. Dr Lewis’s specific examples are indisputable, and she absolutely is correct in pointing them out for the horrible wrongs they are.
(🧵) A brief list of circumstances where provincial employees can do what @PremierScottMoe and @jeremycockrill accuse the federal government of not being allowed to do.
Under The Agricultural Operations Act, provincially appointed inspectors may enter any land and into any premises, other than a dwelling house, for the purposes of performing their responsibilities under that Act. canlii.org/en/sk/laws/sta…
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Under The Animal Health Act, provincially appointed inspectors may enter any place, premises or conveyance and conduct an inspection for the purposes of the Act (other than a dwelling house). canlii.org/en/sk/laws/sta…
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As a nuance to this thread, I would just say that it is unfortunate that the PM is speaking about the business case for a LNG facility on the east coast at all. It should be up to the private sector proponent(s) for such a project to make a business case (to their backers).
The federal government can, and perhaps should, say whether or not it would financially support an LNG facility on the east coast. But the default should always be against subsidies. If there is a compelling reason for one in this case, I haven't seen it. Plus:
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There are likely reasons why there are very few LNG proposals, especially on our east coast. First, it would depend on expectations for what natural gas prices will be in Europe relative to North America over many years. Do you know what demand and supply will be in 2040?