Mick Ryan, AM Profile picture
Nov 28 25 tweets 10 min read
In the wake of the Ukrainian victory in western #Kherson, and in the midst of Russia’s ongoing terror bombing campaign against Ukrainian civil infrastructure, we should look at the man in charge of Russia's campaign. A thread on General #Surovikin. 1/25 🧵
2/ CAVEAT: This thread is NOT about admiring an enemy military commander who has previously demonstrated brutality towards Syrian civilians, his own soldiers, and now against the Ukrainians. It is designed to provide insights into how to defeat him. rferl.org/a/russia-bruta…
3/ Much of the reporting about the Russians in #Ukraine focusses on ‘the Russians’ as some amorphous mass. The reality is, even in barely adequate military institutions, there is organization, control, and command from the top. Military commanders matter.
4/ In designing their future operations, Ukrainian military leaders and planners will not just be looking at Russian military capabilities and dispositions. They will be assessing how a different command philosophy from Surovikin might impact future Ukrainian operations.
5/ As such, we should understand the enemy commander. It is how we might understand his incentives and motivations, anticipate his strategy and plans. Defeat mechanisms can then be built to prevent Russian military successes in Ukraine. mca-marines.org/wp-content/upl…
6/ In the wake of Ukraine’s attack on the Kerch Bridge, Army General Sergey Surovikin was appointed as the overall Russian commander for the campaign in Ukraine. His appointment was welcomed by Russian nationalist groups, and praised by Yevgeniy Prigozhin. understandingwar.org/backgrounder/r…
7/ Surovikin commands an army which is exhausted, has morale issues & has been constantly attritted in the past 9 months. Over winter, he will be defending ground, and do what he can preserve his force, reconstitute battered units & construct resilient logistics network.
8/ But, what kind of considerations might shape his forward planning, based on what we have seen of him so far?
9/ First, he will seek better alignment between Putin’s political objectives & the military capacity of Russia’s armed forces. These 2 things have been poorly aligned since the beginning of the war; this misalignment has played a big role in the poor performance of the Russians.
10/ Putin’s political objectives in February this year were far larger than the small, overly disaggregated Russian ground and air forces were capable of achieving. The concentration of combat power in the Donbas mid-2022 was a demonstration the Russians understood this.
11/ But we are seeing a kind of ‘meeting in the middle’ between politics and the military. Politically, Russia is mobilising people and industry to provide a greater military capacity for Ukrainian military operations.
12/ Militarily, Surovikin has tailored operations in the short term, including the Kherson withdrawal, to account for his current force size and weaknesses. However, moving forward, he will be expected to conduct offensive operations with his 'enhanced' military capability.
13/ A second consideration of Surovikin’s moving forward is the identification and development of asymmetries he can leverage against the Ukrainians. With his ongoing missile and drone attacks on Ukraine, Surovikin has developed an asymmetric advantage over #Ukraine.
14/ Lawrence Freedman has noted that “the Ukrainians cannot do the same against the Russians in terms of targeting infrastructure. The Ukrainians are winning on the battlefield, but they cannot hit back against the Russians on that strategic level.” salon.com/2022/11/21/put…
15/ Where else might Surovikin look for asymmetries? One area is air operations. This is an understudied part of the war that is covered in this excellent @RUSI_org report. static.rusi.org/SR-Russian-Air…
16/ It notes: “thanks to its failure to destroy Ukraine’s mobile SAM systems, Russia remains unable to effectively employ potentially heavy & efficient aerial firepower of its fixed-wing bomber & multi-role fighters to bombard Ukrainian strategic targets & frontline positions.”
17/ And: “if Ukrainian SAMs are not resupplied with ammunition, and ultimately augmented and replaced with Western equivalents over time, the VKS will regain the ability to pose a major threat.” The development of air superiority may be an area of focus for Surovikin.
18/ Third, he may use a large, mobilised force to generate concentrations of troops for tactical or operational breakthroughs in 2023. This won't be easy. Individual training is poor; it is a bad foundation for the more difficult unit collective training.fortune.com/2022/10/26/rus…
19/ With an extensive, meshed sensor network, the Ukrainians have the ability to detect and attack such concentrations at long range. Therefore, the importance of developing a decisive advantage in the air, to degrade Ukrainian long-range strike, is brought to the fore.
20/ But, with the possibility of more mobilisations and incentives for increased industrial output from the Russians, a shift from the Russian piecemeal attacks we have seen so far may be an option that Surovikin considers - but not in the short term.
21/ A final area of change for Surovikin may be command and control (C2). He will want to improve the integration of combined arms on the ground, as well as air-land integration. These have been weaknesses for the Russians. But will not be easy to fix.
22/ The reason for this is another key part of C2: #leadership. Russia has lost many leaders, from junior to quite senior in this war. Surovikin is sure to be aware of this. He will want to ensure his senior leaders are capable of leading effectively for the campaigns of 2023.
23/ We may see more senior Russian military leaders replaced. At the same time, Surovikin is sure to be placing demands on the Russian force generation system for junior leaders. This will be hard given the challenges facing their training system.
24/ Despite Surovikin’s brutal background, it is prudent that we understand him better & not underestimate the impact his leadership might have on Russia’s operations. Ukrainian success in 2023 will be partially determined by their ability to out-think the Russian commander. End.
25/ Thank you to those who images, and work, were used in this thread: @CNN @RFERL @JapanTimes @RUSI_org @Forbes @UAWeapons @MassDara @DefenceU @SamBendett @LawDavF

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More from @WarintheFuture

Nov 24
We are seeing more frequent references to the potential for Chinese action to seize Taiwan from current and former government and military leaders. It appears the clock may be running down on deterring a conflict over Taiwan. 1/23 🧵
smh.com.au/world/asia/rud…
2/ Recently, former Australian PM Kevin Rudd described how the next five years will shape the long-term stability of the Indo-Pacific region & determine the success of U.S. efforts to deter China from taking military action against Taiwan.
3/ In June, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida warned that the Russian invasion of #Ukraine could be repeated in #Taiwan by China in the absence of unified deterrence by the U.S. and its allies. business-standard.com/article/intern…
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Nov 22
There has been a woefully inadequate debate on the lessons of Ukraine in Australia, including land combat. And nearly all commentators on tanks/armoured vehicles in this nation are poorly informed and obsessed with a narrow view of future conflict. 1/25
2/ There is a sense in the current debate that we know exactly what the next war will be. Look at the White Papers of the 1980s & 1990s to see how wrong we got it. We are repeating the same mistake by thinking we can predict the next fight. Apparently it’s only air and sea!
3/ It will result in an ADF that lacks adaptive capacity because we have only prepared it to fight at sea and in the air. Wars might be fought in these domains; they are never won there. But once removed, you cannot rebuild high level land warfighting skills quickly.
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Nov 21
This week, despite continuing Russian terror bombing in #Ukraine and an important G20 meeting in Indonesia, the possible demise of Twitter has been dominant in the feeds of many social media users. What would it mean for the war in Ukraine if Twitter dies? 1/23 Image
2/ It is an important question, given the centrality of strategic influence and information warfare to the conflict in #Ukraine. Twitter is the communication tool of choice during crises, and has featured in several previous conflicts. abc.net.au/news/2022-11-2…
3/ But the Ukraine war has seen a Cambrian explosion in the use of social media – especially Twitter – to share images & stories from inside Ukraine, to disseminate situation reports, to build crowdfunding efforts, track war crimes, and for strategic influence activities.
Read 23 tweets
Nov 19
Recently, I have been asked a lot of questions about the impact of winter on the war in #Ukraine. In some respects, this is pretty ironic; I was born & live on the flattest, dustiest & hottest continent imaginable. That said, a thread on the coming winter war in Ukraine. 1/25 🧵
2/ I wrote a short piece on this topic yesterday that you can read in full at my (free) substack. But, because I know a lot of people are on @Twitter but not substack, I thought I would post my thoughts here as well. mickryan.substack.com/p/the-winter-w…
3/ There are many historical insights on this issue. The Indian Army has been conducting high-altitude and very cold operations for a very long time. Korea and WW2 all offer lessons on how wars continue despite the onset of winter.
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Nov 16
Lots of uncertainty remains about the missiles that struck the Polish town of #Przewodow today. The reactions to this incident bear close watching. Some initial thoughts – a thread. 1/22 🧵 smh.com.au/world/europe/w…
2/ Early this morning (Australian time), two Russian missiles of a type yet to be determined slammed into this country town about 10 kilometres from the Ukrainian border. washingtonpost.com/world/2022/11/…
3/ At the same time, the Russians had been executing a large missile attack on multiple cities across #Ukraine, including the western city of Lviv.
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Nov 13
The reality here is that the West is saying that they don’t wish to step up military production to any great extent because of the cost. Meanwhile, the Russians are beginning to mobilise their industry. 1/9 🧵 (Thanks @shashj for raising this issue).
2/ In his September mobilisation speech, Putin spoke of industrial production. “The heads of defense industry enterprises will be directly responsible for attaining the goals of increasing the production of weapons and military equipment.” washingtonpost.com/world/2022/09/…
3/ He also described how “at the same time, the government must address without any delay all aspects of material, resource and financial support for our defense enterprises.” We have seen limited comments of the same nature from Western leaders despite declining weapons stocks.
Read 9 tweets

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