There is much in the war in #Ukraine we do not see. The struggle on the ground is dynamic, and the correlation of forces can be unclear. This makes predictions about the future trajectory of the war nearly impossible. 1/25 🧵
2/ However, there are certain variables which are likely to have a significant impact on the course of the war in 2023. I believe there are five key variables, which depending on the approaches of #Russia and #Ukraine, will shape this war in the coming year.
3/ Variable 1 is effective conservation of ammunition and the capacity of the west to increase defence production. The war in #Ukraine is the first in three decades to challenge post-Cold War defence industrial and strategic logistic models.
4/ Drawdowns of forces and consolidations of defence companies in the wake of the Cold War saw smaller military organisations demanding less equipment and ammunition, and stocking less, than had been the case for the preceding decades.
5/ But consumption rates in #Ukraine of precision munitions (anti-air and anti-tank missiles as well as ground attack rockets and missiles) has drastically reduced the munitions held by Ukraine, Russia and many of their allies and partners.
6/ For some, the solution is for the Ukrainians to ‘fight like Americans’ & use less ammunition. Given current shortfalls, this is part of the solution. washingtonpost.com/national-secur…
7/ But even with more conservative use of munitions, large amounts of ammunition will be required by Ukraine in offensives to take back occupied territory. The medium-term solution is to this to expand the production capacity of Western defence industry.
8/ So far, only the United States has indicated that it will do so – and this will not take effect for 6-12 months. Until then, more effective use of existing munitions stockpiles will be the rule. Fortunately, the Russians are facing similar problems. defensenews.com/pentagon/2022/…
9/ Variable 2. The next variable is the ability of #Ukraine & #Russia to mobilise, train and deploy its troops. Ukraine mobilised its forces early and has been constantly training regular and territorial forces for defensive and offensive operations.
10/ Reportedly mobilising around 700,000 troops, the Ukrainians have an advantage in numbers (at this point) as well as motivation for their soldiers. euronews.com/2022/05/21/liv…
11/ The Russians, after suffering massive losses in northern Ukraine, and the Donbas, finally undertook a ‘partial mobilisation’ from September last year. While initially chaotic, the Russians appear to have streamlined mobilisation of person to fight in Ukraine.
12/ The influx of tens of thousands of new Russian troops, and the potential mobilisation of more in 2023, presents a challenge for Ukrainian strategy moving into 2023. The ability for either side to most effectively mobilise their people is a key variable in the war.
13/ Variable 3 is the willingness of the west to provide more sophisticated ground and air offensive capabilities to Ukraine. The West has taken a stepped approach to providing sophisticated weapons, avoiding the provision of tanks, fighter aircraft and long-range missiles.
14/ Part of the theory for this is to ensure that training and logistics can be undertaken to ensure that the systems provided to Ukraine are supportable over the long term.
15/ But, there have also been some in the US and Europe who have seen the provision of more advanced weapons such as tanks and the long range ATACMS missile as escalatory. But, Ukraine can’t win this war by defensive operations only.
16/ A turning point in 2023 will be reached if the west flings off this unnecessary fear – what @EliotACohen has called ‘baloney realism’ - and gives Ukraine the offensive capability it needs to take back all of its territory. theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…
17/ Variable 4. An interesting variable is the willingness of China to remain ‘neutral’ in this war. There are several reasons for China’s reticence including trade with the US, but its ‘neutrality’ so far has benefited Ukraine.
18/ China still imports Russian coal, LNG and oil, providing revenue for Putin’s regime. However, should the Chinese decide assisting Russia is more important than its trade relationship with America, it could see a significant shift in Russian fortunes. bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
19/ Variable 5. A final variable is the strategic leadership of @ZelenskyyUa, Putin & Biden – and their ability to nurture & sustain the will of their people. Putin’s direction launched this war, and Zelensky’s leadership has united a nation to resist the Russian onslaught.
20/ Biden’s #leadership has been vital in hardening western resolve and coordinating a steady flow of aid to Ukraine. In 2023, Biden & Zelensky will be under greater pressure, from Europe and some in the US Congress, to explore peaceful resolutions to the war.
21/ Putin, on the other hand, is playing for time, hoping that the west gradually tires of the war in 2023. The ability of Biden & Zelensky to keep Europe & America unified in its support for the Ukrainian war effort in 2023 will be a key variable in the year ahead.
22/ There are other variables that might also be considered in the coming year. These include how effective each side is in strategic influence operations, economic factors or the potential for events in the #IndoPacific to draw attention and resources from #Ukraine.
23/ Nothing in war is certain. Despite some very fine articles that have recently explored scenarios for 2023, we cannot predict future human actions or the outcome of this war.
24/ By exploring different variables however, we might be able to ascertain Russian weaknesses that can be exploited. We might also ensure that the right kinds and quantities of support are provided at the right time to #Ukraine in the coming year. End.
This week, I published a two-part article that reviewed the seven key elements of the war in #Ukraine that are likely to have the most influence on the trajectory of the war in 2025. 1/5 🧵🇺🇦 (Image: @DefenceU)
2/ The 7 key endeavours are:
- The Ground War.
- The Strategic Strike and Air Defence War.
- The Mobilization War.
- The Economic War.
- The Robot and Algorithm War.
- The War of Narratives.
- The Learning and Adaptation War.
3/ I also examined where the key asymmetries in the war are at the moment, such as manpower, air defence and innovation. Understanding these can help Ukraine target Russian critical vulnerabilities, build capacity to minimise its weaknesses, and inform the conduct of any ceasefire negotiations.
A useful update from @IAPonomarenko. In 2025, the West must not rush to force #Ukraine into an unjust peace with a brutal regime that began an unnecessary war, fought it poorly, used its military to rape, loot, torture and murder its way across a neighbour, and is unlikely to abide by any ceasefire agreement. 1/7 🧵
2/ 20th century politicians (eventually) came to understand that the rise of fascist, aggressive regimes like contemporary Russia (and Nazi Germany) had only one solution: defeat of their physical and ideological means of aggression against their neighbours.
3/ The big words from 21st century politicians, accompanied by tiny portions of national wealth dedicated to defence and support for countries like Ukraine and Taiwan, is not deterring Russian or Chinese aggression. It is actually helping their rise and increasing their power.
In the past 48 hours, reports have emerged of a Ukrainian attack on Russian positions near the village of Lyptsi in the Kharkiv region. The attack utilised dozens of uncrewed ground combat vehicles (UGV). 1/5 🧵🇺🇦
2/ The UGVs were apparently supported throughout the activity by FPV drones. While this doesn’t make the attack fully autonomous – the vehicles need human operators – it is one of the more significant examples of drone combat in this war.
3/ The Battle of Lyptsi is an important step in the transformation of the character of war from a purely human endeavour to something quite different in the 21st century. But none of the battlefield functions envisioned for uncrewed systems will be effective without the transformation of military institutions that wish to use them. This includes armies but also the civilian bureaucracies that support them.
This week, I provided the latest assessment on the relevance of Ukraine lessons to the Pacific at a seminar in Jakarta. I have expanded on this for a new article. 1/5 🧵
2/ First, I explored the key lessons from the war in #Ukraine since the Russian large-scale invasion in 2022. I proposed 7 major lessons, although time & more analysis will produce others. These include meshed civ-mil intelligence collection / analysis, drone warfare, leadership and the adaptation battle.
3/ Next, I explored the key ‘filters’ that might be used in translating lessons from #Ukraine so that are more relevant for the prevailing circumstances in the Pacific. Key filers include geography, weather, civil infrastructure and the capabilities of potential adversaries.
A quick, strategic assessment of Putin's use of the Oreshnik missile in a strike against #Ukraine. In short, this was a political strike not a military one. 1/10 🧵
2/ Putin used this missile as a direct response to recent U.S. administration decisions to allow Ukraine to use U.S.-supplied ATACMs missiles against a wider range of targets inside Russia, particularly targets related to the Ukrainian campaign in Kursk. He notes this in his speech.
3/ An additional driver was the permission given by U.K. and French governments for the use of their long-range air launched missiles against targets in Russia.
Today, the war in #Ukraine – or at least the time since the large-scale Russian invasion of 2022 – reaches the 1000-day mark. Besides reflecting on the tremendous sacrifices of the Ukrainian people since February 2022, the 1000-day point permits taking stock of the situation. 1/8 🧵 🇺🇦
2/ Even though the situation for #Ukraine at the 1000-day mark is forbidding, the trajectory of this war is not cast in steel. To prevent continued Russian gains on the battlefield, and to stop any attempt at forcing Ukraine to the negotiate under unfavourable terms, what changes might be required?
3/ 1st, Ukraine must conduct a ruthless re-assessment of its military strategy. In 2024, Russia seized the strategic initiative, Ukraine lost more territory & an offensive into Russia has not met key objectives. New ideas will be required for an evolved military strategy.