Mick Ryan, AM Profile picture
Jan 1, 2023 25 tweets 10 min read Read on X
There is much in the war in #Ukraine we do not see. The struggle on the ground is dynamic, and the correlation of forces can be unclear. This makes predictions about the future trajectory of the war nearly impossible. 1/25 🧵
2/ However, there are certain variables which are likely to have a significant impact on the course of the war in 2023. I believe there are five key variables, which depending on the approaches of #Russia and #Ukraine, will shape this war in the coming year.
3/ Variable 1 is effective conservation of ammunition and the capacity of the west to increase defence production. The war in #Ukraine is the first in three decades to challenge post-Cold War defence industrial and strategic logistic models.
4/ Drawdowns of forces and consolidations of defence companies in the wake of the Cold War saw smaller military organisations demanding less equipment and ammunition, and stocking less, than had been the case for the preceding decades.
5/ But consumption rates in #Ukraine of precision munitions (anti-air and anti-tank missiles as well as ground attack rockets and missiles) has drastically reduced the munitions held by Ukraine, Russia and many of their allies and partners.
6/ For some, the solution is for the Ukrainians to ‘fight like Americans’ & use less ammunition. Given current shortfalls, this is part of the solution. washingtonpost.com/national-secur…
7/ But even with more conservative use of munitions, large amounts of ammunition will be required by Ukraine in offensives to take back occupied territory. The medium-term solution is to this to expand the production capacity of Western defence industry.
8/ So far, only the United States has indicated that it will do so – and this will not take effect for 6-12 months. Until then, more effective use of existing munitions stockpiles will be the rule. Fortunately, the Russians are facing similar problems. defensenews.com/pentagon/2022/…
9/ Variable 2. The next variable is the ability of #Ukraine & #Russia to mobilise, train and deploy its troops. Ukraine mobilised its forces early and has been constantly training regular and territorial forces for defensive and offensive operations.
10/ Reportedly mobilising around 700,000 troops, the Ukrainians have an advantage in numbers (at this point) as well as motivation for their soldiers. euronews.com/2022/05/21/liv…
11/ The Russians, after suffering massive losses in northern Ukraine, and the Donbas, finally undertook a ‘partial mobilisation’ from September last year. While initially chaotic, the Russians appear to have streamlined mobilisation of person to fight in Ukraine.
12/ The influx of tens of thousands of new Russian troops, and the potential mobilisation of more in 2023, presents a challenge for Ukrainian strategy moving into 2023. The ability for either side to most effectively mobilise their people is a key variable in the war.
13/ Variable 3 is the willingness of the west to provide more sophisticated ground and air offensive capabilities to Ukraine. The West has taken a stepped approach to providing sophisticated weapons, avoiding the provision of tanks, fighter aircraft and long-range missiles.
14/ Part of the theory for this is to ensure that training and logistics can be undertaken to ensure that the systems provided to Ukraine are supportable over the long term.
15/ But, there have also been some in the US and Europe who have seen the provision of more advanced weapons such as tanks and the long range ATACMS missile as escalatory. But, Ukraine can’t win this war by defensive operations only.
16/ A turning point in 2023 will be reached if the west flings off this unnecessary fear – what @EliotACohen has called ‘baloney realism’ - and gives Ukraine the offensive capability it needs to take back all of its territory. theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…
17/ Variable 4. An interesting variable is the willingness of China to remain ‘neutral’ in this war. There are several reasons for China’s reticence including trade with the US, but its ‘neutrality’ so far has benefited Ukraine.
18/ China still imports Russian coal, LNG and oil, providing revenue for Putin’s regime. However, should the Chinese decide assisting Russia is more important than its trade relationship with America, it could see a significant shift in Russian fortunes. bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
19/ Variable 5. A final variable is the strategic leadership of @ZelenskyyUa, Putin & Biden – and their ability to nurture & sustain the will of their people. Putin’s direction launched this war, and Zelensky’s leadership has united a nation to resist the Russian onslaught.
20/ Biden’s #leadership has been vital in hardening western resolve and coordinating a steady flow of aid to Ukraine. In 2023, Biden & Zelensky will be under greater pressure, from Europe and some in the US Congress, to explore peaceful resolutions to the war.
21/ Putin, on the other hand, is playing for time, hoping that the west gradually tires of the war in 2023. The ability of Biden & Zelensky to keep Europe & America unified in its support for the Ukrainian war effort in 2023 will be a key variable in the year ahead.
22/ There are other variables that might also be considered in the coming year. These include how effective each side is in strategic influence operations, economic factors or the potential for events in the #IndoPacific to draw attention and resources from #Ukraine.
23/ Nothing in war is certain. Despite some very fine articles that have recently explored scenarios for 2023, we cannot predict future human actions or the outcome of this war.
24/ By exploring different variables however, we might be able to ascertain Russian weaknesses that can be exploited. We might also ensure that the right kinds and quantities of support are provided at the right time to #Ukraine in the coming year. End.
25/ Thank you to the following, whose images and links were used in this thread: @An_gry @TDF_UA @DefenceU @washingtonpost @business @TheAtlantic @Militarylandnet @euronews @defense_news

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More from @WarintheFuture

Jun 11
Ukraine has just struck a Russian defence plant with its new long-range FP-5 missiles and damaged a key bridge to Crimea. Things keep getting worse for Putin and Gerasimov. My Part 2 assessment of Russia's losing war, and how Putin might reverse things. 1/5 🧵 Image
2/ Russia is losing its war on Ukraine. But a losing trajectory is not a settled outcome. Part 2 of Losing on Every Dimension examines the five "reversal conditions" that could still rescue Putin, and what the West must do to lock in his defeat.
3/ The most revealing point about these five reversal conditions. With one exception, none lies within Russia's own control: a US settlement, the oil price, China's treasury, North Korean manpower, and Western fatigue. Russia's escape from defeat depends on the decisions of others.
Read 5 tweets
Jun 8
For the first time since the invasion, Russia is losing more troops than it can recruit. Net territorial movement over the past three months has favoured Ukraine. Part 1 of my new assessment, I explore how Russia is "Losing on Every Dimension" - military, cognitive, moral, industrial and economic. 1/7 🧵Image
2/ MILITARY. In 2025 Russia paid roughly 200 casualties per square mile taken. In the first five months of 2026, with a net gain of 17 square miles, it paid over 9,600 per square mile. The meat grinder is grinding through Russian men faster than Russia can produce them. Tactical operations are now unified with mid-range and long-range strikes.
3/ COGNITIVE. Russia's narratives are decoupling from a battlefield made visible by open-source reporting. When Putin has to ask Ukrainian permission to hold parades, and cannot hold an international forum without a Ukrainian attack, his narrative about inevitable war crashes.
Read 7 tweets
May 28
Our darker angels have returned. For a decade, influential scholars argued that major war was on an irreversible decline. Pinker's 'Better Angels' thesis became almost orthodoxy in parts of the security studies world. But, as @lawdavf has written, war has a future. 1/4 🧵 Image
2/ Fast forward to 2024. PRIO records 61 state-based conflicts — the highest since World War II. 129,000 battle deaths. The fourth most violent year since the Cold War. The 2024 data from SIPRI and PRIO is unambiguous: a historic peak in state-based conflicts, the fourth most violent year since the Cold War, and a Russo-Ukrainian war that has now consumed an estimated 500,000 lives.
3/ The analytical failure wasn't just academic. Governments that accepted the 'war is fading' narrative underinvested in defence, deterrence and industrial capacity. Ukraine paid some of the price. But most Western nations are still underinvested in force structure, defence industry, war stocks and most importantly, national will to resist authoritarian aggression.
Read 4 tweets
May 11
China fields a military where 70-80% of soldiers are only children. Every battlefield death risks extinguishing a family line. This demographic reality shapes Xi's strategic calculus in ways Western analysis should pay more attention to. My new piece explores this. 1/5 🧵mickryan.substack.com/p/one-child-on…Image
2/ China's one-child policy ended in 2015. Its military consequences are only beginning. By 2015, ~70% of PLA soldiers and 80% of combat troops came from one-child households. There is almost no historical precedent for a major military force comprised almost entirely of only children.
3/ The research is sobering. Only children are measurably less trusting, less resilient, less risk-tolerant, and less competitive than those with siblings. These are not ideal traits for combat. They are increasingly the defining traits of the PLA's human capital.
Read 5 tweets
Apr 16
Some initial thoughts on the new Australian National Defence Strategy released today in Canberra. Overall, the focus and trajectory of Australia's defence strategy remains consistent with the 2024 version. There are some notable things worth highlighting. 1/15 🧵🇦🇺 Image
2/ The new NDS shifts more towards a true 'defence' strategy rather than just a 'military' strategy that was described in the 2024 version. There is stronger language around national civil preparedness, fuel security, and economic security. This is good. But these are also topics that should be in a National Security Strategy - if Australia had one!
3/ Spending. There is an uptick in spending. This is a positive. There is a claim that we might get 3% of GDP on defence at some point in the future. The reality is that because we are well short of this now, trying to fund both AUKUS and the ADF at the same time with current spending is challenging (nice word for not possible), and conventional military capabilities are degrading - and not modernising fast enough.
Read 15 tweets
Mar 22
“The advantages of threatening an American ground intervention are real. The advantages of actually committing boots on the ground are also real but more limited. The disadvantages could be numerous.” My weekly update on Iran, Ukraine and the Pacific. 1/6 🧵 Image
2/ Ukraine has achieved something significant in the south. Ukrainian attacks there have disrupted Russian offensive planning, consumed Russian reserve forces, and demonstrated that Ukrainian combined arms operations can impose genuine operational costs. But there is also a trade-off in these southern operations. Gains in the south have come at some cost to northern Donetsk, and Russian forces retain the initiative on what is Russia’s main effort on the ground: the envelopment of Ukraine’s fortress belt and the remainder of Donetsk.
3/ In Iran, the oldest lesson in strategy keeps surfacing: military success in the air and at sea does not automatically translate into political outcomes on the ground. Iran has not been beaten. The question being probably being considered in the Pentagon, Congress and the White House is whether ground forces would ensure that the military campaign achieves a decisive political outcome - or whether it would lead to a larger and more difficult American military commitment to the Middle East with uncertain results.
Read 6 tweets

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