. @MESandbu has put out a series of excellent columns on the euro area this week. All three are worth reading closely. I wanted to offer a few reactions, as the events of the last ten years have shown that Europe's internal architecture matters globally.
I very much agree with Sandbu's framing of the problem, namely that a monetary union "should be a source of stability rather than instability, both for the real economy ... and for itself" and that reforms are needed so the euro area can do a better job of demand management
I also agree that the euro area has pioneered, in Greece, some innovative techniques for sovereign restructuring. It "taught policymakers that sovereign defaults can be restructured within the euro, and illustrated good legal techniques for doing them."
so long as euro area countries continue to issue bonds governed by their own law, the euro area already has the capacity to restructure bonds in an extreme case ...
(the euro area CACs though could be improved, ICMA standard CACs have stronger aggregation provisions)
And with the ESM (the EMF to be) the euro area also has the capacity to provide funding to a country to make sure that debt restructuring isn't always necessary even when a country loses market access (on sustainable terms) for a while.
At least for smaller countries.
so the points of disagreement? I think Sandbu likely overstates the "stabilizing" role of bank bailin: "writing down bank debt is a form of recapitalisation, it should boost banks’ ability to sustain credit flows, lifting growth and with it public finances."
in Italy (a special case, as the banks sold equity, subdebt and bonds to their depositors in the crisis), fear of bailin slowed down recapitalization with public euros, hindering the ability of the system to provide credit.
and using bailin to provide banks with the capacity to keep lending in a crisis is hard - the bailin has to be broad and deep enough that there aren't fears that it will need to be extended. As those fears make it harder for other banks to raise funds in the market.
US got out of its crisis more quickly than Europe by avoiding a bailin of senior bonds and instead forcing banks to take capital, capital that initially was cheap but that got expensive fast. And banks weren't allowed to meet capital requirements by shedding assets.
US approach isn't necessarily better (it did let bank creditors off the hook, and that had a political cost), but it does illustrate that there are lots of different ways of avoiding pro-cyclical behavior in the banks. European rules make some of these approaches hard now.
Biggest question I have though is whether a system that relies on markets to discipline national governments for bad fiscal policy will allow all the member states the freedom to conduct more aggressive counter-cyclical fiscal policy that Sandbu (correctly) wants.
I basically fear that concerns about losing market access (and having to seek european financing and a restrucutring) will force weaker euro area states to act pro-cyclically in future crises ...
I cannot quite get my head around the notion that restructuring would be used to create fiscal space - am stuck on the notion that the markets fear of being caught in a restructuring would reduce fiscal space when it is most needed.
China released its preliminary current account surplus data for q3 last week. Even with the unusual surge in imports in September (which was reversed in October) the surplus was about $50b higher than in 2019 (over $90b v $40b)
The trailing 4q sum rose to ~ $200b
But the $200b trailing 4q sum includes (obviously) a very weak q1, and a q4 that was no doubt influenced by trade war uncertainties. The Oct trade data hints that the rise in the surplus will be sustained in q4, which will pull the surplus into the $250-300b range for the year.
The current (s. adjusted) quarterly surplus (recognizing q2 may be a bit high and q3 a bit low) is ~ $90-100b. So broadly speaking, in dollar terms the surplus should rise to its pre-trade war highs and as a share of GDP it should rise to well over 2% of China's GDP
My vote is for Bloomberg. Has been a while since I did a chart that included gold (I have started looking at gold and fx reserves separately). But do think I was among the pioneers of substracting swaps from reported net reserves in a time series ...
China's October trade surplus, annualized, was around $700b. The surplus typically doesn't hit its seasonal peak until December either. The trailing 12m sum of monthly surpluses is sure to soon top $500b, and is on a trajectory that takes it back to its $600b peak
2/x
Mechanically, the October surplus stemmed from a fall in imports from the usually high (no doubt inflated by Huawei's chip stockpiling) levels of September.
But the bigger story is that exports have remained relatively strong even as the global economy has been weak
The Council on Foreign Relations' graphics team has put together some good charts to support my recent piece warning about a loss of momentum in the global recovery.
Plotting output relative to its 2019 average immediately puts the q3 recovery into context.
A look at the (still incomplete) data for a broader set of countries also highlights just how much of an outlier China's reportedly near complete recovery really is
A plot of (estimated) monthly US output highlights how the pace of the recovery slowed over the course of the third quarter (as the large initial stimulus was not sustained).
The chart also shows how services led this particular downturn
The WSJ (Cezary Podkul and Megumi Fujikawa) on the search for global yield from Japan's financial institutions -- through the lens of Nochu's (Japan's financial cooperative for fishers and farmers) purchases of US CLOs
The accounting here is interesting as it illustrates the role of tax centers in a range of capital flows, and illustrates the difference between gross and new flows too.
The Fed started categorizing US managed. Caymans domiciled CLOs as "foreign" in 17 and 18
The IMF's metric (without adjustments) suggested that Turkey had a slightly stronger reserve position that China going into 2020. Which is absurd.
(and yes, I do read the details of the IMF's ESR!)
The reason is simple: measures of reserve need based on broad money (m2) imply that countries with big domestic deposit bases (China, Korea and the like) need a ton of reserves, while countries with small banking systems (like Argentina) need far fewer