Both @Neil_Irwin and @ObsoleteDogma have highlighted the 2015-16 slowdown in the US economy in recent columns. 100% agree that there was an under-covered mini-recession then, one that hit manufacturing and commodity intensive regions hard.

(thread)

nytimes.com/2018/09/29/ups…
. @Neil_Irwin starts his story in 2015, and focuses on the impact that the commodity slump (and China's slowdown) had on investment in key sectors.

I would start in 2014, and put more emphasis on the dollar, and the impact of a stronger dollar on net exports.
Dollar strength - which was primarily a function of monetary divergences among the G-3 (Fed signalling expected rate hikes, ECB doing QE, BoJ doing more QE) rather than commodity currency moves - knocked about a point off US growth in late 14 and early 15.
In broad terms the drag from net exports then was comparable to the drag at the peak of the China shock (a rise of around 1 pp in imports, not matched by a // rise in exports). but it got a lot less coverage and attention at the time.
and the impact on US trade from the stronger dollar then got far less attention that the "trade war" now - even though the drag on net exports from a stronger dollar is comparable to high end estimates of the impact of Trump's 2018/19 tariffs.
think there were a couple of reasons for this: the trade deficit didn't move, as falling oil prices led to a fall in nominal oil imports that offset the rise in the non-oil deficit, and the strong dollar impacted exports rather than imports, and that creates less drama.
But weakness in exports -and my own work has highlighted that the dollar contributed to this, as the US took more of the burden of weaker global demand than Europe and Japan - added to the shock on "real" goods from weakness in investment.
Caterpillar is an important exporter. It saw a fall in domestic demand for its equipment, but also a fall in external demand. That added the blue collar stress that @ObsoleteDogma highlighted.

washingtonpost.com/business/2018/…
B/c of the strong dollar, and b/c the US had a bigger oil sector and thus experienced a negative shock to investment when oil fell, by 16 if not before the gap between monetary policies among the G-3 was bigger than the gap in actual economic performance ...
The Fed was right to pause after China's August 2015 depreciation scared the world - US conditions called for it. But much of the damage had already been done. The 15 China scare was as much a part a function of the 14 rise in the dollar as domestic Chinese conditions ...
With global trade slowing (because of a fall in investment in commodities, and a necessary cutback in imports in the oil exporters when oil fell more than b/c of protectionism) China didn't think it could follow the dollar up when its own economy was weak, and choose to devalue
Consistent with Neil Irwin's argument, the 14-15 dollar appreciation and resulting mini recession is associated with a rather fundamental break in global financial flows as well.

cfr.org/blog/mapping-c…
That's when global reserve growth stalls/ reverses, and when foreign demand for treasuries dries up.

Paradoxically, the dollar's rally meant reduced foreign demand for Treasuries, as it was driven by private investors who preferred agencies and corporate bonds ...
That's my take at least. Glad the impact of moves in the global economy in 14 and 15 on the US economy are getting more attention. I have long thought that the slump in exports and investment in 15-16 played a small role in the 16 election ...

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More from @Brad_Setser

Nov 9, 2020
China released its preliminary current account surplus data for q3 last week. Even with the unusual surge in imports in September (which was reversed in October) the surplus was about $50b higher than in 2019 (over $90b v $40b)

The trailing 4q sum rose to ~ $200b
But the $200b trailing 4q sum includes (obviously) a very weak q1, and a q4 that was no doubt influenced by trade war uncertainties. The Oct trade data hints that the rise in the surplus will be sustained in q4, which will pull the surplus into the $250-300b range for the year.
The current (s. adjusted) quarterly surplus (recognizing q2 may be a bit high and q3 a bit low) is ~ $90-100b. So broadly speaking, in dollar terms the surplus should rise to its pre-trade war highs and as a share of GDP it should rise to well over 2% of China's GDP
Read 5 tweets
Nov 8, 2020
Who charted it better ....

Bloomberg?

bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
or yours truly?
My vote is for Bloomberg. Has been a while since I did a chart that included gold (I have started looking at gold and fx reserves separately). But do think I was among the pioneers of substracting swaps from reported net reserves in a time series ...
Read 4 tweets
Nov 8, 2020
The 2008 financial shock, which hit investment and imports hard and led China to respond with a big stimulus, tended to reduce trade imbalances.

The COVID-19 shock, to the surprise of many, is increasing transpacific trade imbalances (bigly)

1/x

wsj.com/articles/china…
China's October trade surplus, annualized, was around $700b. The surplus typically doesn't hit its seasonal peak until December either. The trailing 12m sum of monthly surpluses is sure to soon top $500b, and is on a trajectory that takes it back to its $600b peak

2/x
Mechanically, the October surplus stemmed from a fall in imports from the usually high (no doubt inflated by Huawei's chip stockpiling) levels of September.

But the bigger story is that exports have remained relatively strong even as the global economy has been weak

3/x
Read 16 tweets
Nov 6, 2020
The Council on Foreign Relations' graphics team has put together some good charts to support my recent piece warning about a loss of momentum in the global recovery.

cfr.org/article/global…
Plotting output relative to its 2019 average immediately puts the q3 recovery into context.

A look at the (still incomplete) data for a broader set of countries also highlights just how much of an outlier China's reportedly near complete recovery really is
A plot of (estimated) monthly US output highlights how the pace of the recovery slowed over the course of the third quarter (as the large initial stimulus was not sustained).

The chart also shows how services led this particular downturn
Read 9 tweets
Nov 5, 2020
The WSJ (Cezary Podkul and Megumi Fujikawa) on the search for global yield from Japan's financial institutions -- through the lens of Nochu's (Japan's financial cooperative for fishers and farmers) purchases of US CLOs

wsj.com/articles/how-a…
Podkul and Fujikawa allude to the centrality of the Caymans in the global flow of CLOs -- something the Fed highlighted last year

federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/…
The accounting here is interesting as it illustrates the role of tax centers in a range of capital flows, and illustrates the difference between gross and new flows too.

The Fed started categorizing US managed. Caymans domiciled CLOs as "foreign" in 17 and 18
Read 8 tweets
Nov 3, 2020
The IMF needs to junk its current metric for assessing reserves.

It simply doesn't work. It dilutes what should be strong signals of extreme vulnerability.

cfr.org/blog/it-time-s…
The IMF's metric (without adjustments) suggested that Turkey had a slightly stronger reserve position that China going into 2020. Which is absurd.

(and yes, I do read the details of the IMF's ESR!)
The reason is simple: measures of reserve need based on broad money (m2) imply that countries with big domestic deposit bases (China, Korea and the like) need a ton of reserves, while countries with small banking systems (like Argentina) need far fewer
Read 9 tweets

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