First, thanks to all those involved @dgbailey and Ivan Rajic wrote it, @jillongovt edited and improved it, @NLehl managed the whole editorial process and @Aron_Cheung once again produced the striking charts.
#Manufacturing makes up around 10% of the #UK#economy and 9% of private sector employment.
It provides close to half of UK #exports and around 60% of private sector investment.
Manufacturing typically has higher productivity and wages than average for the economy as a whole.
The regional importance of the sector varies enormously
And of course some sectors are larger than others
Disruption to #manufacturing from #Brexit would have a sizeable negative impact on the wider #UK#economy. #UK manufacturing is highly integrated with the EU single market – nearly 1/2 of all goods imports and exports come from or go to the EU.
The conseqs will be worst with no deal.
Nearly all #manufacturing sectors worry about a lack of regulatory alignment with the #EU and the bulk want continued free trade.
Some such as automotive could suffer a severe blow from tariffs or if there are no common regulations
That said, some sectors will face fewer disruptions.
For example, even with no-trade deal aerospace will likely face no tariffs, as international trade in the sector is mostly tariff-free.
But even in these sectors, firms are worried about regulatory hurdles.
In most cases, #Brexit will create additional costs for companies.
This can be due to #tariffs, customs declarations, certification costs, rules of origin compliance, loss of collaboration in R&D, border delays, #EU customers switching suppliers, visa costs for EU workers, etc
Manufacturers are concerned first and foremost about the #UK falling out of common #EU regulations.
Uncertainty about the UK-EU relationship is making it difficult for manufacturers to prepare and this uncertainty has already contributed to falling investment.
Above all, they want to avoid a no-trade deal scenario, especially in the wake of the hit to the economy from Covid-19.
The government could introduce more measures to cushion the post-Brexit shock, such as loans, wage subsides, taking equity stakes in companies, etc
Long-term more power could be transferred to UK’s regions and devolved institutions.
A range of policies on issues such as skills, R&D, financial support for firms and advisory support could be more firmly integrated within an overarching industrial policy.
This would mean a ‘policy reset’, with a need to invest more into an industrial policy, bringing the UK in line with other advanced economies.
Specific sectors or regions could be targeted, and in particular firms can be helped to take advantage of new technologies.
Anyway, it's early and I'm hungry. This is a quick summary, but you'd be far better off reading the whole thing for yourself! ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/upl…
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Now it’s not as if this was a particularly effective body under its previous chair, more a forum for Brexiter grandstanding. That being said, there is a need for a proper committee to provide political scrutiny of what the EU is doing 2/5
As people are coming to realise (think non-removable plastic bottle tops), EU rules will continue to affect us either because businesses will continue to abide by them or because we have to make difficult decisions about whether to align or not 3/5
Some reflections on this and other aspects of UK-EU relations. First, it seems clear that the Commission did this not because they wanted to start a negotiation with the UK but because they didn't want member states negotiating their own, bilateral deals 1/6
Second, what this tells us is that the EU values its own unity much more than it does trying to improve relations with the UK. If it was the latter, they would not have published now, as they'd have realised it put Labour in an invidious position 2/6
I think some in the UK need to rid themselves of the idea that the EU are falling over themselves to get down to business with a new Government. The bottom line for them is what's in it for them in any negotiation, and 'the UK moving closer' is not a negotiating objective 3/6
Happy Monday everyone. And my God is it a happy one for you, as @UKandEU have ANOTHER new report out. This one, in collaboration with Public First, examines the attitudes of Leave voters seven years after the referendum. 1/16
First and foremost, grateful thanks to Public First, especially @racheljanetwolf - they've been a pleasure to work with. Second, to the authors, @SophieStowers @Ines_Wittke James Frayne and @sebwride congrats on producing such a detailed and interesting piece of work 2/16
We'll holding an event tomorrow at Labour conference to discuss the findings, featuring @SophieStowers @stellacreasy @lewis_goodall and an absolutely world class chair - come along if you can! 3/16
IT'S HERE!!! The new @UKandEU report on prospects for the revision of the UK-EU trade and cooperation agreement. You can find it here and this is a photo of its cover 👇🏾1/15 ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/upl…
It is a superb piece of work put together by @JannikeWach and @joelreland They sensed, weeks ago, that Keir Starmer might talk about the review to @GeorgeWParker over the weekend, so had this ready to roll when it happened 2/15
The report notes that the TCA is due to be reviewed 5 years after it came into force, but provisions about what form that review should take are vague 3/15
OUT NOW. Brand new @UKandEU report: The Northern Ireland Protocol Bill: Context and Consequences. It's about the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill (doh). 1/7
Key insights? The bill has economic, constitutional, political and diplomatic implications. It could introduce uncertainty for business and trade and would place traders in the position of either failing to comply with UK law or failing to comply with international law 3/7
And of course the outcome of the elections will feed into debates about the Northern Ireland protocol. So next, read @JonTonge on the NI parties and their attitudes to the Protocol ukandeu.ac.uk/how-have-parti…