Sidenote before pt 2 (which I think is even crazier than pt 1):
Battleground states are, by definition, supposed to be close.
That doesn't always mean Tossup - it includes many lean blue or lean red states.
HOWEVER.
This is a strong piece of data to show 49%+ is DOMINANT
2/2
Not only has a candidate only ONCE lost a state since 2004 with a polling avg of 49%+, but also
Only TWICE has a candidate with a polling avg of 49%+ underperformed that poll number:
FL12Romney 49.7 --> 49.1
NV04Bush 51 --> 50.47 @FiveThirtyEight@RealClearNews@Redistrict
For @FiveThirtyEight's obsession with "poll error" as they wrongly define it (poll margin minus election margin) - have they done *any* research into candidate's actual poll numbers?
Seems important to understand that the "error" seems to go one way
E.g. just yesterday 538 tweeted this dumb shit:
"In 2 of the past 10 elections, there's been a 5+ point swing between polls now and final result.
* Assume a 50/50 chance such a swing would favor Trump."
How many times has a candidate polled at 49%+ and lost? Shit, how many times have they even finished below 49%?
@NateSilver538 has this flawed reasoning that I've been pointing out for months - that poll margin isn't the great metric he thinks. Why?
50-45 isn't the same as 45-40
You know what this data tells me?
Candidates who poll well tend to do *better* than their polls
@NateSilver538's flawed "margin" metric says if a candidate polls 50-45 & wins 55-45, "pOLLs OfF bY 5!" Then, for some reason, assumes this "error" is equally likely to go both ways.
Since 2004, candidates polling at 49%+ have OUTPERFORMED their poll number by an avg of 2.4%
In battleground states alone, they've outperformed that number 27/29 times
It gets better. Those 2 underperformances? A whopping 0.6 & 0.53
I have a really cool analysis I'm working on for #ElectionTwitter. Idk if it'll have cool charts or just numbers. But I'm counting on you guys for some retweets
Really hammers home the point that I (& we) have been sharing for the past several months
Share tonight or tomorrow?
I'm not exaggerating this is one of the coolest pieces of research I've done. I really wish I had a graphics team to make it look cool but you all are gonna get some shitty excel chart and it'll still blow your mind.
I'm trying my best. I'll get it up tonight
Guys, it's a two-parter and part 1 was itself enough to make me go "wow"
I just noticed something very interesting that I'm going to do as part 2.
I think IA (lean D) GA (lean D) along with TX (lean R) and OH (lean R) will be the closest states. Maybe too close to call on election night
But Biden wins FL, PA, MI and WI by comfortable enough margins that election is called.
So some of you know but for those who don't, my background is in sports data.
When it comes to sports betting, it's not good enough to pick the winner, you need to be able to predict the spread too. So let's compare my final vote predictions to those of the top forecasters.
And to clarify:
Election margin - the thing everyone tries to predict - is a function of FORECASTING.
The poll margin - the thing I'm trying to educate people about what it actually means - is not about a forecast. It's about understanding data.
And while I'm here, I need to issue an apology to @gelliottmorris.
At the beginning of my deep, deep dive into politics/polling, I had a big problem with @TheEconomist Forecast.
He may or may not even remember (and I wasn't *that* big of an a-hole..) but I should elaborate
My beginning of analysis into polling & politics data came from sportsbook odds. I know how sportsbook odds work - and how people normally misunderstand how they work - and based on this I concluded it's more likely pollster/forecasters were wrong than the sportsbooks.
The problem with 538's definition of "polling error" goes back to experimental design
That is, does this thing measure what we're saying it does?
In the case of "poll margin - election margin = poll error" they're assuming poll attempts to measure the final outcome. It doesn't!
If you're not a science person, and you're like "what does this mean?" Here's how I break it down
Polls measure *preferences* of decided voters, and *how many* undecided voters. That's it!
Elections, unlike polls, don't include undecideds. This means variables have changed!
Check out these polls from NV, 2018. How about NV-2? Poll is 16-23. Meaning ~61% undecided
Does this poll suggest that Amodei will probably win? Debatable. Does it suggest he'll probably win by about 7? No! Why? It tells us *nothing* about the 61% undecided. (He won 58-42)
First up, the general election forecast. This is basically a blended model of my lean-Trump and lean-Biden undecided models, with weight to the lean-Biden because there's evidence to suggest the undecideds - while fewer - will break D
Notably, in this forecast, Biden relatively easily wins the major swing states.
The most contentious states are Iowa, Ohio, Texas, and Georgia with Biden narrowly winning Iowa and Georgia and narrowly losing Iowa and Texas.
Remember, these are just probabilities, not concrete
Put another way, my forecast comes out like this.
I wouldn't be shocked if Trump held Iowa and Georgia, nor if Biden took Ohio and Texas. Beyond that, a close election in NC, PA, or FL? Not really seeing it being closer than 2-3 pts as of now