If we are not taking *some* steps (at the margin) to curb the virus that also hurt the economy then we are not doing enough to curb the virus.

It is also possible that our efforts to curb the virus help the economy (in total or on average).

(Possibly educational thread.)
In this case, as in many others where we have multiple objectives (think climate change and inequality, for example), we should do absolutely everything we can that is win-win. More masks and more testing might reduce the virus and help economic activity.

Many win-win policies.
In addition to everything that is win-win, we should also evaluate everything with a tradeoff and adopt those that save lives at an acceptable cost for the economy (e.g., closing indoor dining) and reject those that save lives at an unacceptable cost (e.g., halting construction).
This means the *marginal* intervention, the very last one we choose to do, *should* hurt the economy just as much as it helps save lives. We can evaluate these sorts of tradeoffs using a value of a statistical life.
This may sound hard-hearted but would you support lowering the speed limit to 10 MPH to eliminate traffic deaths? Do you buy a new Volvo every year to reduce your chance of death in an accident, even if it means dramatically cutting other spending and getting a second/third job?
Note the *marginal* intervention should hurt the economy. But if we do all the win-win ones and some win-lose ones the *total* (or average) effect may well be positive in both curbing the virus and also in increasing economic growth.
This does not just apply to the virus but also to any issue where you have multiple objectives. If you care about climate change and inequality (or poverty) then you should be willing to pay a cost for dealing with them.
Some advocates only speak in win-win terms as if everything that is good for whatever issue they care about is also good for the economy.

Sometimes this framing may be correct (see the marginal vs. total distinction). Sometimes is harmless or even a good way to motivate action.
But I have two worries about overemphasizing win-win thinking:

1. It could lead us to do too little if we limit ourselves to policy that don't have tradeoffs.

2. If we pretend there are no tradeoffs we may end up hurting people.
Climate change is a case in point. If we think all curbing carbon is good for the economy then we might not take the harder steps (carbon taxes, clean energy standards) to do large-scale emissions reductions.
Or we might do a climate regulation but delude ourselves into thinking it is win-win and makes everyone better off. But such a policy would raise electricity costs for lower-income households, important to understand, admit and compensate. Can be done but not with denial.
I don't mean to minimize win-win policies. I think there are a lot for inequality and the virus, likely many fewer for climate change.

Moreover total tradeoff is not inevitable.

But we should seek out, carefully analyze and potentially embrace policies with tradeoffs too.

FIN

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More from @jasonfurman

2 Nov
What reduces economic activity: (i) the virus leading people to choose to distance or (ii) government required distancing.

Research on services in March/April has found it is much more (i) than (ii) than many people thought.

BUT, mistake to think is always/everywhere 100% (i).
1. Manufacturing and construction mostly shutdown when it was required to and continued when it was allowed to. That is a smaller share of GDP than services but clearly a case of govt policies reducing economic activity (for better or worse, may be worth doing to save lives).
2. In some cases govt required social distancing may be like an investment that pays off: less economic activity today but better virus control & more activity in the future. In this case one would see a short-run tradeoff between activity & govt social distancing, but worth it.
Read 9 tweets
26 Oct
When economists frame a non-consensus view as obviously correct economics (or even worse "arithmetic"). It devalues the currency of consensus economic views. Take a stand and defend it, just don't claim obvious truth. Eg, @caseybmulligan on fiscal policy. nationalreview.com/2020/10/paul-k…
Casey argues UI and other transfers do not increase total demand because we cannot simply count the additional spending associated with them without also counting "the spending (both consumption and investment) of those who finance the government."
The CARES Act was not paid for w/ current tax increases. @caseybmulligan knows that but appears to be arguing in support of "Ricardian equivalence"--that it will be paid for by future tax increases & rational people anticipating those will cut back on their spending now.
Read 13 tweets
26 Oct
On Thursday the government will release its estimate of GDP growth in the third quarter. The number is expected to be something like 35%. Three bits of arithmetic context followed by some advance interpretation.
1. The reported growth of -31.4% for Q2 was less bad than the headline because it was an annualized number--which is what would happen if the economy contracts the same way 4 quarters in a row. The economy really shrunk by 9.0%.
Similarly if the headline growth rate on Thursday is 35% then it will mean the economy grew at 7.8% for the quarter. That is also very, very high--just the better way to think about it.
Read 9 tweets
7 Oct
To describe anything as "Trump's Economic Dream Comes True" even pre-pandemic is rewriting an awful lot of the history of confident statements about 3% growth--with John Taylor being the most prominent economist making those predictions.

wsj.com/articles/trump…
Gary Cohn, as NEC Director, predicted 4% growth with total confidence. washingtonexaminer.com/trump-adviser-…
Randall Stephenson (then Chair of the BRT and ATT CEO), said he saw no way the tax cut passes and we don't get 3% growth--again total confidence. (Quick search failed to find the quote, if anyone has it please share.)
Read 7 tweets
6 Oct
How should we think about the ideal size of fiscal stimulus right now? A thread with two approaches: (1) top down (based on filling the macro hole) and (2) bottom up (based on protecting people).
Three distinct issues:

(1) When do we need money? Simple: two months ago.

(2) How long do we need money? As long as it takes, could be years, ideally would have triggers to continue after Congress is fatigued.

(3) How much per month? Rest of thread is on this question.
A top down approach would ask what the output gap is and what the multiplier is. CBO's July forecast put the output gap at 6% in Q4, at a time when they expected the UR to be 10.5% this quarter. So presumably they would say something smaller, maybe 4%. cbo.gov/system/files/2…
Read 17 tweets
6 Oct
In my oped in @WSJopinion arguing for the Biden tax plan--and the investments it pays for--I cited seven studies about its impact on the economy. One tweet for each study--plus a bonus tweet in this thread.
The @BudgetModel finds the tax+immigration plan would increase the GDP level by 1.5% in 2050 (rounds to 0.1pp higher annual growth rate).

They do not estimate taxes only but based on other work the effect on growth is close to zero and wages is positive. budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2020/9/…
@AEI co-authored by @kpomerleau found ~0 effect: "Biden’s proposals would reduce GDP by 0.06 percent over the next decade, slightly increase GDP the second decade (0.07 percent), and result in a small reduction in GDP in the long run (0.2 percent)." aei.org/research-produ…
Read 13 tweets

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