What reduces economic activity: (i) the virus leading people to choose to distance or (ii) government required distancing.
Research on services in March/April has found it is much more (i) than (ii) than many people thought.
BUT, mistake to think is always/everywhere 100% (i).
1. Manufacturing and construction mostly shutdown when it was required to and continued when it was allowed to. That is a smaller share of GDP than services but clearly a case of govt policies reducing economic activity (for better or worse, may be worth doing to save lives).
2. In some cases govt required social distancing may be like an investment that pays off: less economic activity today but better virus control & more activity in the future. In this case one would see a short-run tradeoff between activity & govt social distancing, but worth it.
(One limit of the investment view may be non-linearities. If you can effectively eliminate the virus like Asia you get a huge payoff, if you only greatly reduce it then absent continued suppression it can come back like in Europe so little/no payoff.)
3. What was true of services in the United States in March may not be always/everywhere true. I have no doubt that if we could measure weekly GDP in France, the UK or Germany it went down discontinuously after their latest lockdown policies.
4. Even within services policies vary and may be non-linear. My sense is that indoor dining is below mandated capacity in many places because people are afraid to eat in a restaurant. If so reducing the mandated capacity will not reduce activity but banning indoor dining would.
Also the aggregate evidence is unclear. Places that eliminate the virus do better than those that do not, I wish we had shut everything down for a month, smashed the curve, & then had testing to keep it down.
But states with 50X virus of other places do not have less activity.
I think we very much need to eliminate indoor dining and bars, indoor entertainment, other large gatherings, etc. I think that because I am 98% sure it will save lives, even though I am 85% sure it will hurt short-run economy and only 25% certain it will help longer-run economy.
I wrote about how to think about tradeoffs and why I think it is important to in this longer thread on Friday.
P.S. Should have included: no clean distinction between people's behavioral response and govt policy.
In part behavior affected by norms/rules set by govt.
In part govt sets policy endogenously based on behavior/norms of people.
P.P.S. I thought it was implicit in the above but should be explicit: Just because research found something for Mar/Apr does not mean it is true now (I've made the point re UI and work incentives). E.g., younger people may have chosen to distance then but might need rules now.
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If we are not taking *some* steps (at the margin) to curb the virus that also hurt the economy then we are not doing enough to curb the virus.
It is also possible that our efforts to curb the virus help the economy (in total or on average).
(Possibly educational thread.)
In this case, as in many others where we have multiple objectives (think climate change and inequality, for example), we should do absolutely everything we can that is win-win. More masks and more testing might reduce the virus and help economic activity.
Many win-win policies.
In addition to everything that is win-win, we should also evaluate everything with a tradeoff and adopt those that save lives at an acceptable cost for the economy (e.g., closing indoor dining) and reject those that save lives at an unacceptable cost (e.g., halting construction).
When economists frame a non-consensus view as obviously correct economics (or even worse "arithmetic"). It devalues the currency of consensus economic views. Take a stand and defend it, just don't claim obvious truth. Eg, @caseybmulligan on fiscal policy. nationalreview.com/2020/10/paul-k…
Casey argues UI and other transfers do not increase total demand because we cannot simply count the additional spending associated with them without also counting "the spending (both consumption and investment) of those who finance the government."
The CARES Act was not paid for w/ current tax increases. @caseybmulligan knows that but appears to be arguing in support of "Ricardian equivalence"--that it will be paid for by future tax increases & rational people anticipating those will cut back on their spending now.
On Thursday the government will release its estimate of GDP growth in the third quarter. The number is expected to be something like 35%. Three bits of arithmetic context followed by some advance interpretation.
1. The reported growth of -31.4% for Q2 was less bad than the headline because it was an annualized number--which is what would happen if the economy contracts the same way 4 quarters in a row. The economy really shrunk by 9.0%.
Similarly if the headline growth rate on Thursday is 35% then it will mean the economy grew at 7.8% for the quarter. That is also very, very high--just the better way to think about it.
To describe anything as "Trump's Economic Dream Comes True" even pre-pandemic is rewriting an awful lot of the history of confident statements about 3% growth--with John Taylor being the most prominent economist making those predictions.
Randall Stephenson (then Chair of the BRT and ATT CEO), said he saw no way the tax cut passes and we don't get 3% growth--again total confidence. (Quick search failed to find the quote, if anyone has it please share.)
How should we think about the ideal size of fiscal stimulus right now? A thread with two approaches: (1) top down (based on filling the macro hole) and (2) bottom up (based on protecting people).
Three distinct issues:
(1) When do we need money? Simple: two months ago.
(2) How long do we need money? As long as it takes, could be years, ideally would have triggers to continue after Congress is fatigued.
(3) How much per month? Rest of thread is on this question.
A top down approach would ask what the output gap is and what the multiplier is. CBO's July forecast put the output gap at 6% in Q4, at a time when they expected the UR to be 10.5% this quarter. So presumably they would say something smaller, maybe 4%. cbo.gov/system/files/2…
In my oped in @WSJopinion arguing for the Biden tax plan--and the investments it pays for--I cited seven studies about its impact on the economy. One tweet for each study--plus a bonus tweet in this thread.
The @BudgetModel finds the tax+immigration plan would increase the GDP level by 1.5% in 2050 (rounds to 0.1pp higher annual growth rate).
@AEI co-authored by @kpomerleau found ~0 effect: "Biden’s proposals would reduce GDP by 0.06 percent over the next decade, slightly increase GDP the second decade (0.07 percent), and result in a small reduction in GDP in the long run (0.2 percent)." aei.org/research-produ…