Beyond its impact on ๐ฎ๐ฑ-๐ฎ๐ท & ๐บ๐ธ-๐ฎ๐ท relations, this assassination highlights hypocrisy by those touting the "liberal, rules-based international order".
But as I explain to my students, hypocrisy & contradiction are baked into the "liberal international order"
He acknowledges that though the definition is a bit unclear, it largely boils down to the extensive presence and use of multilateral institutions
But he also acknowledges that the idea of this "order" being more than a "club of Western countries" is largely a myth
And a KEY myth was that coercion did NOT anchor the order: ummm, no
So "coercion" (read use of force to make states to do what you want) by the "Western major powers" (read, ๐บ๐ธ) is baked into the system.
In other words, assassinations are not "outside" the order, but part of what makes it work.
Shhhh, that's saying the quiet part out loud ๐คซ
Indeed, saying the quiet part out loud was a big part of the critiques raised during the "Great Liberal International Order Debate" that occurred a couple years ago!
Liberal International Order: not "Liberal", nor "International", nor "Ordered". Discuss!
And some folks think that the right to decide when and how to use force to maintain the "order" is a desirable feature
So that's the hypocrisy part. What about contradictions? Well, consider one of the "constitutional documents" of the LIO: the UN Charter
For instance, Article 2 brings up "territorial integrity" as one of the principles of the UN system. But Article 1 says "respect for human rights" is a core Purpose of the UN System.
So if you intervene to protect human rights aren't you violating territorial integrity? No easy answer (see this piece by @OsaigbovoEnabul)
There is so much more that can be (and has been) said on this topic. But the main idea should be clear: when it comes to the "liberal, rules-based international order" contradictions and hypocrisy are a feature, not a bug.
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To be clear, I have a vested interest in this term. It played a key role in research @jurpelai and I conducted on how International Organizations assist democracies. That research appeared in @World_Pol...
(1) Staunch rivalries (and territorial disputes) in the region
(2) Region marred by conflict
(3) Alliance ties to outside powers
First, there are indeed two staunch rivals in the Caucasus: Armenia and Azerbaijan. In fact, the war currently unfolding between Armenia and Azerbaijan is the second between the two countries since the end of the Cold War
Are such distinctions useful and do any of the terms accurately describe ๐บ๐ธ-๐จ๐ณ relations?
Let's break it down.
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To start, notice what were NOT options given by Page:
"friends, partners, allies"
(though Page did acknowledge that ๐จ๐ณ could be a "potential partner" for addressing ๐ฐ๐ต and climate change)
So we're starting with the presumption of a "confrontational" relationship.
From the standpoint of foreign policy discourse, there can be value in saying that someone is a "competitor" (competition is "healthy") rather than an "enemy" (who is "evil"). @EdwardGoldberg makes this distinction in a piece for @Salon
To be clear: I am NOT offering a story about how the collapse of the Soviet Union ended the "Cold War Consensus" and this collapse brought us to today.
Start with one of international relations primary models for war: bargaining theory
The idea is the following: since war is costly (think of all the millions of people Mattis feared would die in a ๐ฐ๐ต๐บ๐ธ war), states have an incentive to "strike a bargain" that avoids war.