One of the interesting, but seldom described features of Classical Arabic (i.e. "that which the grammarians describe") is the presence of a front rounded vowel ǖ [yː]. This is said to occur in some dialects in the passives of hollow verbs, e.g. qǖla 'it is said' instead of qīla.
Early descriptions mention this use for underived hollow roots, and it can be seen as the outcome of a Proto-Arabic *uwi which collapsed, not to /ī/, as becomes the standard, but to /ǖ/. Originally then hollow roots had the standard passive pattern *quwila.
As mentioned by al-Farrāʾ (first picture previous tweet), al-Kisāʾī would make ample use of this in recitation. In fact, he regularly does it for every single passive underived hollow verb. Several other readers use it too, but for them the pattern is less regular.
But if indeed the /ǖ/stems from the sequence *uwi, logically we would expect derived stems to undergo the same shift. After all the passive of ixtalafa is uxtulifa, so the passive of ixtāra should be from *uxtuwira > uxtǖra.

Sībawayh and al-Farrāʾ make no mention of this.
But al-Zamaḫšarī is explicit on this topic, and indeed reports it! I translate it here: "And you say for the passive qīla "it is said" and bīʿa "it is sold" with kasr; or qǖla and bǖʿa with ʾišmām or qūla and būʿa with wāw. ..."
"And it is the same for (derived stems like) uxtǖra "it is chosen" and unqǖda "it was lead" so you may apply kasr (uxtīra), ʾišmām (uxtǖra) or you say uxtūra and unqūda for it.
For the 2nd person of such forms it is: ʿüdta yā marīḍu "you are visited as a patient, o sick man!"
"uxtürta yā rajulu "you are chosen, o man!" with pure kasr (ʿidta, uxtirta) or ḍamm (ʿudta uxturta) or with ʾišmām (ʿüdta, uxtürta).
But for ʾuqīma "it was erected" and ustuqīma "to be straightened up" only the pure kasr sound is proper".
So al-Zamaḫšarī explicitly excepts the passive ʾafʿala and istafʿala from the use of ǖ and ū. Why is this? Remember how ǖ is the outcome of *uwi? Well, the ī vowels in these passive is NOT originally *uwi. If we look at the sound verb we see these are ʾufʿila and ustufʿila.
Logically, for hollow verbs it was thus originally *ʾuqwima and *ustuqwima. Through a Pan-Semitic rule that changes CWV > CV̄ (where C= consonant, W = w or y, V = short vowel, V̄ = long vowel) these become ʾuqīma and ustuqīma, indeed no ǖ (or ū!) is predicted!
And indeed, al-Kisāʾī also follows this expected rule and reads
Q5:109 as ʾuǧibtum (not **ʾuǧübtum)
Q10:22, Q18:42 ʾuḥīṭa (not **ʾuḥǖṭa)
Q10:89 ʾuǧībat (not **ʾuǧǖbat)
Q22:22, Q32:20 ʾuʿīdū (not **ʾuʿǖdū)
Q42:16 ustuǧība (not **ʾustuǧǖba)
Q72:10 ʾurīda (not **ʾurǖda)
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More from @PhDniX

6 Dec
In the new volume by Segovia, there's an article that makes me feel like we have stepped into a time machine, all progress of the past decades is ignored. Emilio Ferrín argues for a Wansbrough-style late (post 800 CE) compilation of the Quran.
Here's why this doesn't work. 🧵
Ferrín pays lip service to the existence of Quranic manuscript fragments, but takes issue with the term "fragments" as it suggests that these "fragments" are part of a "whole". But he considers the texts to be compiled together only later.
It's rather clear that he has never actually looked at any of these manuscripts, otherwise he would not suggest something so absurd. And indeed, his discussion on early manuscripts makes it quite clear he is utterly clueless about them.
Read 19 tweets
27 Nov
A lot of time gets wasted on the polemics of the stability of transmission of the Hebrew Bible and the Quran.
Instead of arguing without evidence let's compare a section the Masoretic Text to a 1QIsaª and the Cairo standard text to the Codex Parisino-Petropolitanus. 🧵
I've selected a 1QIsaª because it is really quite close to the standard Masoretic text. The point of comparison are Isaiah 40:2-28 (949 letters in total) and the Q3:24-37 (1041 letters in total). In number of letters they are therefore pretty similar.
Here is a comparison of the Isaiah scroll with the Masoretic text. Green = extra letter in the scroll, yellow = missing letter, blue = different letter, magenta and red are later additions and deletions.

The texts are very similar, but regardless differences are visible.
Read 14 tweets
18 Nov
@theodorebeers @ibn_kato The rule according to the Arab grammarians, and normative Classical Arabic is that after a heavy syllable the suffixes should be -hu/-hi, and after short syllables the suffixes should be -hū/-hī. This is not just as poetry, but also prose (including the Quran).
@theodorebeers @ibn_kato In fact poetry is one of the prime contexts that are cited where the rule might be broken and short vowel -hu and -hi may be used after light syllables, and -hū and -hī may be used after heavy syllables!
@theodorebeers @ibn_kato Especially Maghrebi manuscripts, but occasionally also Mashreqi manuscripts can be quite precise about this. Here funūni-hī with miniature yāʾ on top of the hāʾ to mark length in a copy of Risālat ibn Abī Zayd.
Strangely manners for expressing this were never developed for -hū. Image
Read 4 tweets
13 Nov
One of the features of the Quran is that certain words with no obvious rhyme or reason will occur in two different pronunciations even when the formula is essentially identical from one to the other.

This is most notable between Q18:78 and 82.

How to understand this? Thread 🧵
The end of the verse is identical save for the first occurrence having the long form of tastaṭiʿ and the second having the short form tasṭiʿ.

Of course you can come up with endless completely ad hoc case-by-case explanations, but these bring us no closer to *understanding* it.
There are many cases just like this. Q6:42 and Q7:94 are formulaically parallel, yet one has yataḍarraʿūna whereas the other has yaḍḍarraʿūna.

quran.com/6/42
quran.com/7/94

Case-by-case explanations fail to explain the larger pattern that is clearly there.
Read 13 tweets
27 Oct
@AlCabbage045 @SWANA_Heat @azforeman Sure, Classical Arabic was a thing way before colonialism. But I do think you can make a case that expectations of modernism clashing with the existing diglossia have massively exacerbated the problem.

In the Middle Ages Classical Arabic was for a specific learned class.
@AlCabbage045 @SWANA_Heat @azforeman And that didn't even necessarily include all those who were literate. There why "Middle Arabic" as "the stage between old and new arabic" and "the stage between low and high arabic" get mixed up. In the middle ages non-use of Classical Arabic in writing was somehow more typical.
@AlCabbage045 @SWANA_Heat @azforeman As nationalism as a concept developed, and the idea of a monolithic 'standard language', which due to the sociolinguistics couldn't be anything but the language that up until then was reserved for the highest of the highest worldwide religious elite, really made things difficult.
Read 4 tweets
27 Oct
The first word of Q36:30 is read by all canonical readers as yā-ḥasratan 'O woe!' And this is also the reading we find in the main (red) reading in Arabe 352h, however in blue a different reading is marked, a non-canonical reading that doesn't follow the rasm. Image
A little blue yāʾ has been added to the tāʾ marbūṭah and a kasrah stands below it, marking يا حسرتى yā-ḥasrat-ē "O my woe!" This expression occurs elsewhere in the Quran with the spelling with a yāʾ, with the special vocative 1sg. ending -ā/-ē "my".
quran.com/39/56 Image
Alternatively it could also simply be read as yā-ḥasrat-ī with the normal 1sg. possessive, and both forms are indeed reported as possible reading by ʾAbū Ḥayyān in his monumental al-Baḥr al-Muḥīṭ.

You can check out the manuscript in more detail here:
gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv… Image
Read 4 tweets

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