I just re-read Professor Auer's @stefanauer_hku fascinating research article "Merkel’s Germany and the European Union: Between Emergency and the Rule of Rules".

His article can help us understand Merkel's advocacy of the highly controversial #CAI /1

cambridge.org/core/journals/…
Auer writes that "Europe’s many problems are centred around Germany, the reluctant hegemon (Paterson 2011) whose leadership oscillates between acting in the name of the exception and insisting on an apolitical adherence to the rule of law" /2
While he insists that this article is "not just about one particular political leader" he makes clear that "Angela Merkel and her governing style – ‘avoiding politics whenever possible’ (...) – serve as a synecdoche that captures problems inherent in the European project" /3
Auer highlights reluctance of German political elites to think of their nation’s interests as separate from those of Europe at large". This is a very important insight, as we will soon find out /4
Auer points out that "technocratic rule is no less a danger to democracy than the rise of populism". He refers to "the Maastricht Treaty: the creeping empowerment of non-majoritarian regulatory bodies, and the concomitant hollowing-out of democracy in Europe" to make his point /5
His overall argument is that "the European project must be more political and less technocratic". This is an excellent point, which can not be emphasised enough. The EU has too long been an elite-driven economic project, not a political project /6
Auer argues that "Merkel’s governing style provides a lens through which the EU’s deep-seated structural flaws can be better understood and addressed". In the following I will highlight parts of his essay which I consider relevant for our understanding of Merkel's role re #CAI /7
Auer first reflects on German political culture. He highlights that for historical reasons "Germans are understandably wary of conflictual politics as such". In light of Germany's troubled history, this should come to no surprise /8
Reflecting on the rise of successive grand coalition governments Auer highlights that "Germany’s preference for anti-conflictual politics extends to an uneasiness about the very notion of power and its traditional vehicle, national sovereignty" /9
He highlights that German governments have tried to achieve their objectives through the European project. This is a very important insight, as we will see /10
Auer then goes on to argue that "the apparent symbiosis between German and European ways of doing politics is not without its incongruities. Denial of power does not equal its absence." His following point is particularly interesting from the perspective of the #CAI debate /11
Auer writes: "The tendency to equate German with European interests is deeply problematic. It paradoxically reduces German political elites’ awareness of their responsibility towards the outside world" /12
In the following I am briefly summarising Auer's argument. Since German interests have to be camouflaged as European interests, senior German politicians tend not to pay sufficient attention to the needs and interests of its other European partners /13
This is exactly what we are seeing right now, with a Politico report suggesting that "Italy, Poland, Belgium and Spain don’t like the way the investment agreement was pushed through in the last days of the German presidency of the EU" /14

politico.eu/article/german…
Auer makes a case to overcome the deficiencies of German political culture by "conceptualiz[ing] political challenges in an open-ended way, escaping the clutches of ideology". He is right of course, but easier said than done, as this requires a high degree of reflexivity /15
I am curious how Professor Auer @stefanauer_hku would interpret Merkel's role in the #CAI saga. Will she get away with her attempt to depoliticise EU-China relations so she can pursue narrow German corporate interests through Brussels? Won't other EU member states object? /16
And doesn't the heavy criticism of the #CAI on social media suggest that Merkel may meet considerable societal resistance to her pet project before stepping down in Autumn 2021? /17
I guess in the end it all depends on how much resistance European civil societies can muster. TTIP was rejected on principled grounds. In my view the #CAI needs to be defeated as well /18

#StopCAI #NotInMyName

theguardian.com/commentisfree/…

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More from @AMFChina

10 Nov 20
Western liberal democracies do not have to chose between naive China engagement or blind confrontation.

Western politicians and policymakers have repeated this false dichotomy ad nauseam.

Let me explain why this *binary and reductionist approach to China policy* is flawed /1
Unconditional China engagement is naive since under the conditions of increasing CCP censorship western dialogue with China is no longer free & open-ended. Cooperation with China does not deserve this name when Europeans cannot select their cooperation partners & topics freely /2
That does not mean that the only alternative is blind confrontation and interventionism aimed at regime change, Steve Bannon-style. Chinese citizens have to decide themselves what kind of political system they want to live in. This is not a decision outsiders can make for them /3
Read 9 tweets
19 Oct 20
This was rather predictable. Following the publication of @edwardlucas Weekend Essay in @thetimes colleagues of mine have received malicious email communications which attempt to smear my professional reputation. 1/10

thetimes.co.uk/article/our-un…
The malicious email was sent from a spoofed email account in @lukedepulford's name. It states “Please keep an eye on Professor Fulda. over the next few weeks. He’s been showing sign of psychological issues that are symptomatic of delusional negative repetitive thoughts”. 2/10
So what is happening here? State agents and/or non-state agents acting on behalf of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) incur penalties for public statements which they consider hostile to the interests of the Chinese party-state. 3/10
Read 10 tweets
15 Oct 20
The Times has published a thought-provoking editorial titled 'Safeguarding Scholarship'. It references the guidelines 'Managing risks in Internationalisation: Security related issues', which were published by @UUKIntl today 1/10

thetimes.co.uk/article/the-ti…
While there is much to like about this timely and important @UUKIntl initiative, there are also shortcomings which need to be addressed. Let me highlight the strengths of the report and then point out areas for improvement 2/10

universitiesuk.ac.uk/policy-and-ana…
The report is country agnostic and calls for 1. Protecting your reputation and values, 2. Protecting your people, 3. Protecting your campuses, and 4. Protecting your partnerships. This is a comprehensive list of activity areas 3/10

universitiesuk.ac.uk/news/Pages/New…
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12 Oct 20
🔶 BREAKING 🔶

Over 100 leading scholars have called for a united front in defence of academic freedoms amid increasing pressure from the Chinese government since the passing of Hong Kong’s National Security Law. 1/32

theguardian.com/education/2020…
The group of international signatories includes some of the world’s leading authorities on Chinese politics, law, and modern history. The statement notes that the universal jurisdiction claimed by Article 38 of the National Security Law ... 2/32
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Read 33 tweets
14 Sep 20
Why is it taking so long for the German government to abandon its failed China policy of 'change through trade'? A thread 1/11
When it comes to the People's Republic of China (henceforth #China), the German government has largely engaged in foreign trade promotion (Außenwirtschaftsförderung) 2/11
In his PhD thesis Norbert Schultes has pointed out that in foreign trade promotion the German government has let the private sector take the lead, which explains the highly corporatist approach 3/11

edoc.ub.uni-muenchen.de/9049/1/Schulte…
Read 12 tweets
11 Sep 20
Germany's new policy paper on the Indo-Pacific region has led to speculation that Berlin may be about to change its traditionally Beijing-friendly foreign policy approach.

Not so fast. Here are the key takeaways from my @RUSI_org Commentary 1/13

rusi.org/commentary/ger…
While paying lip service to security matters, a more active German role is not aimed at strengthening the US-led security architecture in East & Southeast Asia.

In the guidelines' preface Foreign Minister Maas seeks to distance Germany from the increasing US–China rivalry 2/13
The new policy announcement also offers no critical self-reflection about Germany's failed 'change through trade' policy vis-a-vis China 3/13

rusi.org/commentary/ger…
Read 13 tweets

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