Julio Vizcarrondo y Coronado was a Puerto Rican politician who was a member of the Spanish Parliament between 1886 and 1889 representing the district of Ponce.
He was born in 1829 to a family of wealthy landowners who owned slaves. However, he dedicated his life to the cause of freedom. After getting an education in Madrid and Paris he returned to his homeland where he begun to campaign against slavery.
In the ultraconservative period that Spain was going through at the time that led him to exile in the USA in 1850. He later freed all his slaves and moved to Madrid.
There he was one of the founders of the Spanish Abolitionist Society and he also founded a newspaper, El Abolicionista. It was shut down by the conservative Narváez government.
In 1868 Vizcarrondo was amongst those who led the Democratic revolution called La Gloriosa in Spain.
His campaign for liberty was instrumental in getting the Moret Act or Freedom of wombs Act passed in 1870, the first law that begun the process of ending slavery in Puerto Rico and Cuba. It only freed those children of slaves born after 1868.
The democratic revolution failed and the Bourbon monarchy was restored in 1874 in a military coup. Once political activism was permitted again, the Abolitonist Society reignited the campaing to abolish slavery once and for all.
In 1880 the remaining slaves were put under a regime of "Patronato", the patronage of the former slave owners, and, in 1886, slavery was finally and definitely abolished in Puerto Rico and Cuba. 29,000 Puerto Rican slaves were freed.
The criminal institution of slavery was abolished embarassingly late.
Spain has the dishonour of being one of the last countries to abolish slavery in its colonies (although it had been abolished in 1837 in the metropolis). Spain was afraid of alienating the slave-owning elites of Cuba and Puerto Rico.
However, some of the most important and lucid Spanish abolitionists were Cuban or Puerto Rican born. Many of them became members of the Spanish Parliament. Because they could participate in the Spanish political process they finally succeeded in their goal.
They say that Puerto Rico is the oldest colony. In the late 19th Century Puerto Ricans, when they were a colony of Spain, could elect deputies to the Spanish Parliament.
In 1898 Puerto Rico was "freed" from Spanish colonial oppression by the USA and put under military rule and then colonial rule from Washington. Puerto Ricans were not allowed to elect their governor until 1948.
Ironically Puerto Ricans have fewer political rights today than when they were under the Spanish colonial oppression that was used as an argument to justify military intervention and occupation of Cuba and Puerto Rico.
It was an embarassment for Spain to take so long to end slavery in Puerto Rico. Today, it is an embarassment for the USA, which purports to defend democracy around the World, to run a de facto colony under the fancy name of Commonwealth.
Puerto Ricans cannot vote for the President or elect members of Congress. They have been given a citizenship which gives them the right to emigrate from their country and move into they US or serve and get killed in the US Armed Forces.
It's high time for the USA to decide if it wants to admit Puerto Rico as a state or give the country independence. The current regime is unacceptable. Sort it out.
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No necesitamos un banco central independiente. No sirve para nada y su "independencia" no garantiza nada. Las funciones de un banco central son:
1. Garantizar el correcto funcionamiento del sistema de pagos. La independencia del banco central no es útil, basta con que los funcionarios hagan su trabajo.
2. Determinar el tipo de interés en el interbancario. Aunque hoy está demostrado que puede y debe ser 0% de forma permanente. No hace falta un BC independiente para que el tipo de interés sea 0%.
La esterilidad de la escuela estructuralista contemporánea: hace depender el crecimiento económico de la disponibilidad de divisas lo cual reduce sus propuestas a estrategias export-led.
La producción queda determinada solo por las exportaciones. El gasto solo por las importaciones. Nada se produce para consumo doméstico. Nada producido en el país se consume.
El bienestar queda pues limitado por la restricción externa. Una ley de hierro.
La defensa de la soberanía monetaria no es un capricho. Es un elemento crucial de la política económica. Contar con soberanía monetaria permite al Estado decidir qué recursos se movilizan.
Si eres un economista neoclásico la oferta monetaria es algo que surge espontáneamente o está allí no se sabe muy bien cómo y cuándo llegó.
Desde esa perspectiva vale casi cualquier cosa como moneda: el dinero mercancía, el oro, el Bitcoin, los dólares de USA o el euro. Siempre algo que no controle tu gobierno.
¿Nadie más se da cuenta de que los fondos Next Generation EU son un monumental escándalo antidemocrático con el que se pretende rescatar a las grandes empresas mientras dejan tirada a la mayoría de ciudadanía, como en 2010-2012?
Es un escándalo antidemocrático porque los fondos salen de los estados para que los gestione una entidad no elegida democráticamente llamada Comisión Europea (no recuerdo haber votado nunca por Úrsula von der Leyen).
Si, dicen que los proyectos los proponen los Estados pero las reglas las impone la Comisión Europea. ¿No es esto una forma de sacar de los presupuestos generales del Estado una cantidad masiva de dinero, es decir, de distraerlo del control parlamentario?
El problema de los fondos europeos se acaba de complicar con el último bloqueo de Hungría y Polonia.
Ambos países no están dispuestos a cesiones de soberanía implícitas en los condicionantes de "imperio de la ley" que ambos países entienden van dirigidos contra ellos.
Sé que tienen gobiernos de derechas bastante reaccionarios pero han sido elegidos democráticamente y no voy a caer en el recurso fácil de demonizar a sus pueblos.
Keynes insiste en que la dirección de causalidad va del gasto al ingreso, de las inyecciones a las filtraciones, de la inversión al ahorro.
1. El gasto público precede a los impuestos: no es posible recaudar impuestos si antes el Estado no gasta.
2. Las inveresiones crean su propio ahorro. A nivel macro el ahorro no financia las inversiones. El ahorro de hogares y empresas es una decisión de no gastar y no invertir.