ʾAbū Muḥammad Yaḥyā b. al-Mubārak al-Yazīdī (d. 202 AH) was a Basran reader and grammarian, who is most well-known as being the most prominent transmitter of the canonical Basran reader ʾAbū ʿAmr. He also composed his own personal reading which differed minimally from ʾAbu ʿAmr
Al-Ḏahabī relates an elegant 5 verse didactic poem composed by ʾAbū ʿAbd aḷḷāh al-Mawṣūlī Šuʿlah, which lists the places where al-Yazīdī differs from ʾAbū ʿAmr (and thus also differs from how he taught ʾAbū ʿAmr's reading to al-Dūrī and al-Sūsī). Let's look at the poem!
Metre: Ṭawīl.
ʾalā ḫuḏ limā ḫtāra l-yazīdī li-nafsihī
"Truly, take what al-Yazīdī chose for himself"
(Note al-Yazīdī instead of al-Yazidiyyu to fit the metre).

ḫālafa fīhi l-māziniyya muḥarrarā
"he disagreed with ʾAbū ʿAmr (al-Māzinī) as it is recorded in writing."
li-bāriʾkumū maʿ naḥwi yaʾmurkumū kaḏā šabīhu yuʾaddi-h kullahū mušbaʿan qarā"
"For bāriʾ-kum (Q2:54) and with it what is like yaʾmur-kum (2:67), like that what is similar to yuʾaddi-h (Q3:75), all he read with a full vowel"
(lot's of funky poetic licenses for rhyme and metre)
ʾAbū ʿAmr pronounces some cases of stem-final -i and -u either ultrashort or not at all when it precedes -kum or -hum. Thus: bāriʾĭkum/bāriʾkum, yaʾmurŭ-kum/yaʾmur-kum. Al-Yazīdī regularizes this, and follows the pattern found with all other canonical readers.
Moreover, ʾAbū ʿAmr, when he encounters a final-weak jussive followed by a third person masculine pronoun, he pronounces the pronoun not as -hī but as -h. Al-Yazīdī reads these with a full vowel: yuʾaddihī (Q3:75), nuʾtihī (Q3:145). Other canonical readers have a long vowel too.
wa-lam yatasanna ḥḏif bi-waṣli maʿa qtadih
"As for 'lam yatasanna' (Q2:259), remove (the hāʾ) in continuous speech, together with iqtadih (Q6:90)."

wa-lam yusmi yawman tarǧiʿūna muqarrarā
"And he made passive 'yawman tarǧiʿuna' (Q2:281), decidedly"
lam yatasanna(h) and iqtadi(h) are interesting quirks in the rasm of the Quran, as they have a final hāʾ (لم يتسنه and اقتده) while all other final weak jussives/imperatives lack that. ʾAbū ʿAmr treats the hāʾ as part of the root, and always pronounces it.
The Kufan readers Ḥamzah and al-Kisāʾī interpret these final hāʾs (imho, correctly) as a pausal phenomenon, and drop the hāʾ in continuous speech. Al-Yazīdī follows them in this assessment.

ʾAbū ʿAmr reads Q2:281 yawman tarǧiʿūna, al-Yazīdī follows the consensus turǧaʿūna.
wa-maʿḏiratun naṣbun ʿuzayru munawwanun
"'Maʿḏiratun' (Q7:164) is accusative, and 'ʿUzayr' (Q9:30) takes tanwīn"

wa-nanfuḫu maǧhūlun bi-ṭāhā taḥarrarā
"nanfuḫu (Q20:102) is passive in Sūrat Ṭāhā", it has been recorded."
So far, all of al-Yazīdī choices brought him closer to the general consensus or standard grammar. But the reading maʿḏiratun as maʿḏiratan is something he shares only with Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim.

ʿuzayrun instead of ʿuzayru is something he shares with ʿĀṣim and al-Kisāʾī.
ʾAbū ʿAmr is the only canonical reader to read nanfuḫu in Q20:102, once again al-Yazīdī follows the majority reading in the passive: yunfaḫu.
wa-ḫāfiḍatun wa-t-talwu naṣbun ʿibādi lā bi-ḥaḏfi bimā ʾātākumu mdudhu wa-ḫburā
"And 'ḫāfidatun' and what follows (rāfiʿatun) (Q56:3) are accusative; '(yā-)ʿibād-i lā' (Q43:68) is with removal (of the final yāʾ), 'bi-mā ʾātā-kum' (Q57:23), lengthen it, and know it well!
ḫāfiḍatan wa-rāfiʿatan (Q56:3) is the only reading of al-Yazīdī that is not attested among any of the canonical 7 or 10 readers. It is marked as a secondary reading in Arabe 333(d).
For Q43:68 ʾAbū ʿAmr goes against the rasm يعباد لا and read yā-ʿibād-ī lā. Yazīdī follows the rasm, and thus reads yā-ʿibād-i, which is once again the majority reading.

For Q56:23 ʾAbū ʿAmr is the only one to read ʾatākum, al-Yazīdī follows the majority reading ʾātākum.
So now you too know the reading of al-Yazīdī! (if you knew the reading of ʾAbū ʿAmr to begin with😬)

What's interesting about this reading is that it is considered "šāḏḏ" = "irregular", but when you look at it, there is no obvious reason why this would be the case.
For a reading to be valid, the discipline argues that it needs to comply to three conditions:
1. A good chain of transmission
2. Adherence to the rasm
3. Follow proper Arabic grammar.

There are all kinds of ways to take issue with these conditions, but al-Yazīdī follows all.
1. Al-Yazīdī's chain of transmission is unimpeachable, after all, he himself transmits from ʾAbū ʿAmr, and his students become the now widely accepted canonical transmitters of that reading.

The fact that he made some personal choices in his reading should not affect this.
After all, Ḫalaf canonical transmitter of Ḥamzah also has his own selection of readings where he deviates from Ḥamzah, and that reading was later taken into the canon of the 10 readers by Ibn al-Ǧazarī.
2. Al-Yazīdī technically adheres to the rasm slightly better than ʾAbū ʿAmr by reading yā-ʿibād-i lā instead of yā-ʿibād-ī lā. So that certainly could not disqualify his reading.
3. Every one of his readings is attested among other canonical readers, so if their Arabic grammar is valid, so is al-Yazīdī's reading. The only exception is the accusatives in Q56:3, where he stands alone. But al-Farrāʾ accepts this reading here (albeit with some reservation).
In other words: the canonical readers (arguably) all agree with the three conditions of a 'valid' reading, but that does not mean that the inverse is true. Non-canonical readers can still be 'valid' by these conditions, and still be non-canonical.
This is not true for ALL non-canonical readers. The ʾisnād and grammar of al-ʾAʿmaš (direct teacher of Ḥamzah) is fine, but his reading occasionally deviates from the Uthmanic rasm. So by the 2nd condition, it is an invalid non-canonical reading.
That al-Yazīdī did not make it into the 'canon', then, is more of an accident of history than anything else. Although it also makes good sense from a practical perspective: What on earth would the use be for canonizing a reading that almost completely identical to ʾAbū ʿAmr's?
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More from @PhDniX

20 Feb
@LaoshuL @shahanSean @dbru1 No it is not! This has been a misunderstanding that has been making the round by some Christian polemicists but it's a misunderstanding of what is going on. Let me try to unpack this: first شر البريئة is not the reading of Ibn Kathīr but of Nāfiʿ.
@LaoshuL @shahanSean @dbru1 Second: it is true that the word barīʾ means "innocent" or "free". In the feminine it would be barīʾah. šarru l-barīʾah cannot mean "the worst of the innocent". It means "the worst of the innocent woman". Which is clearly nonsensical. But that's not what Nāfiʿ's reading intends.
@LaoshuL @shahanSean @dbru1 The word bariyyah "creation", together with nabiyy "prophet" are ultimately Aramaic loanwords, which at one point had a hamzah, but even in Aramaic appear to have lost it quite early on. So it went from barīʾah to bariyyah, and nabīʾ to nabiyy.
Read 7 tweets
12 Feb
While looking at the verse counts reported in the headers of Arabe 5122 I ran into a headscratcher: Sūrat al-Sajdah (Q32) (called tanzīl al-Sajdah here) is marked here as having 52 (!) verses. Traditional counts either have 29 (Basran count) or 30, so what happened here?
Let us first confirm that the manuscript does not have some kind of bizarre count. In between this Sūrah and the next, one encounters 2 10 verse markers and 3 5 verse markers. The actual count must therefore be more than 25 and less than 30 (so likely the Basran 29).
So what is going on? I started thinking: wait a minute, there is another Sūrah that historically is ALSO called al-Sajdah, or more specifically Ḥā-Mīm al-Sajdah, namely Fuṣṣilat (Q41). Could it be that our ornamenter got confused and mixed up the counts of the two Sajdahs?
Read 5 tweets
10 Feb
As promised, here's a follow up to my series of ongoing comparisons between Nabataean Arabic and Old Hijazi. This time we will look at the Deictic system within the Arabic of the Nabataeans and the grammarians. Image
The medieval Arabic grammarians report an astounding amount of variation in the deictic system. And a good amount of this is dialectal variation.

The base deictics are:
m.sg. ḏā
f.sg. tī, ḏī, ḏih, ḏihī
pl. ʾulāʾ, ʾulā (or ʾulē)
loc. hunā
The grammarians tell us that the Hijaz is that the near deixis 'this, these, here' is *always* combined with a presentative hā-. Thus hā-ḏā "this (masc.),", hā-ḏihī "this (fem.)", hā-ʾulāʾi "these" and hāhunā "here".

Farrāʾ only reports the difference explicitly for the plural Image
Read 18 tweets
7 Feb
Yesterday I gave an introduction on Nabataean Arabic and Old Hijazi and the Quran Arabic. Now, let's look at some of the linguistic features that both connect and differentiate these ancient dialects form one another!
One striking commonality between Nabataean and Old Hijazi is the definite article, which in both cases was /al-/. Today, this definite article is almost universal. Only in Yemen do we find forms such as /am-/. But in pre-Islamic times a vast majority of different forms existed.
In Safaitic inscriptions, which reflect other pre-islamic dialects of Arabic, we usually find <h->, <ʾ-> but sometimes also <hn-> and only occasionally <ʾl->.

This Nabataean inscription has the definite article: الحجرو <ʾlḥgrw>, that is, al-ḥiǧr (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hegra_(Ma…).
Read 8 tweets
6 Feb
I was asked a while ago to explain what historical linguists of Arabic mean when we told about 'Old Hijazi' and 'Nabataean Arabic' and how these relate to one another and where the language of the Quran fits in. So this thread will address these questions!
Nabataean Arabic is the language researchers suppose many of the inhabitants of the Nabataean Kingdom spoke. The Nabataeans, as a rule, used Aramaic as their administrative language. The script they used was a form of the Imperial Aramaic script. This script evolved over time.
Eventually this script evolves all the way to what we know as the modern Arabic script. This is a gradual development, and it is not possible to pinpoint where the 'Nabataean Aramaic' script ends and the 'Arabic script' begins.
Read 10 tweets
21 Jan
In vocalized Kufic Qurans, as a rule only 3 things are consistently marked: hamzah, final short vowels, and ʾiʿrāb. Tanwīn is marked by writing the ʾiʿrāb twice. Occasionally the indefinite accusative is missing, e.g. ḥanīfan musliman. I figured out why! 🧵
Taking the Quran of Amajur as our base, we can make a list of places where the tanwīn is used, and places where it isn't. Let's also make note of the word that follows (that will become important).
Without dots:
-ʾarbāban (min)
-yahūdiyyan (lā)
-naṣrāniyyan (walākin)
Without dots:
-ḥanīfan (musliman)
-musliman (wa)
-ṯamanan (qalīlan)
-farīqan (yalwūna)
-dīnan (fa-lan)
Read 15 tweets

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