As promised, here's a follow up to my series of ongoing comparisons between Nabataean Arabic and Old Hijazi. This time we will look at the Deictic system within the Arabic of the Nabataeans and the grammarians.
The medieval Arabic grammarians report an astounding amount of variation in the deictic system. And a good amount of this is dialectal variation.
The base deictics are: m.sg. ḏā f.sg. tī, ḏī, ḏih, ḏihī
pl. ʾulāʾ, ʾulā (or ʾulē)
loc. hunā
The grammarians tell us that the Hijaz is that the near deixis 'this, these, here' is *always* combined with a presentative hā-. Thus hā-ḏā "this (masc.),", hā-ḏihī "this (fem.)", hā-ʾulāʾi "these" and hāhunā "here".
Farrāʾ only reports the difference explicitly for the plural
In Classical Arabic the forms with hā- have become practically standard. You do not find ḏā, ʾulāʾi or ḏihī. However the unprefixed form hunā 'here' is quite frequent besides hāhunā. The Quran clusters completely with Hijazi here, and only has hāhunā (and hāḏā etc.).
Quranic Arabic distinguishes itself in this regard from the pre-Islamic Nabataean inscriptions. For example the Harran inscription which dates 568 CE has ذا المرطول ḏā l-marṭūl "this Martyrion", not هذا المرطول as we would expect in Quranic/Hijazi Arabic.
The feminine form hā-ḏihī is also considered a special Hijazi isogloss by Sībawayh. The banū tamīm are said to have hāḏī instead (and hāḏih in pause). In the Quran we only find the Hijazi form. In Classical Arabic prose hāḏihī is also standard, but poetry frequently has hāḏī
The feminine deictic of Nabataean Arabic seems to use neither ḏī or ḏihī as its base, but the third possibility of the feminine: tī. For example in the Namarah inscription (328 ce) we find: تي نفس مرالقيس where Hijazi would have هذه نفس امري القيس.
The plural deictic is yet another place where a difference is reported. Although admittedly more explicitly for the distal form, al-Farrāʾ tells us that the Hijazis say ʾulāʾika "those" (and hā-ʾulāʾi for "these") while other tribes say ʾulāka (or ʾulēka?) and (hā-)ʾulā/(hā-)ʾulē
It is indeed the Hijazi forms that we find in the Quran: هولا, اوليك not هولى, اولاك.
In Classical Arabic prose, the Hijazi long ʾulāʾi stem has won out, and even in poetry I don't think the short form occurs often (though I'm sure it does at times).
For Nabataean Arabic, we simply do not know what the plural deictic looked like. @phillipwstokes recently published an article that shows evidence for the plural base in Safaitic, but that script does not allow us to distinguish between ʾulāyi and ʾulayi. academia.edu/44769456/2020_…
Now turning to the far deixis. The grammarians tell us that there are two strategies for the singular. The people of the Hijaz add a -l(i)- to the far deixis: ḏālika 'that (masc.)', tilka 'that (fem.)', whereas other tribes have ḏāka, tīka.
As al-Farrāʾ points out explicitly: the Quran exclusively has the Hijazi form. In Classical Arabic prose ḏālika is certainly dominant, but ḏāka occurs with some frequency I think it would be quite interesting to study if a functional difference can be discerned.
In Classical Arabic poetry ḏāka frequently occurs besides ḏālika. Interestingly, tīka does not seem to occur besides tilka. This is probably because ḏāka and ḏālika are metrically difference whereas tīka and tilka are metrically identical, so serve no practical purpose.
The li- expansion even applies to the locative deictic in the Quran: hunālika "there", a feature likewise identified as Hijazi, whereas the Tamīm had hunāka. In Classical Arabic, hunāka seems to be used far more frequently than hunālika. This brings up an interesting issue:
While most of the deictic system in Classical Arbaic follows the Hijazi pattern (hāḏā, hāḏihī, hāʾulāʾi, ḏālika, tilka, ʾulāʾika) for some reason the Najdi forms for the locative deict, i.e. hunā, hunāka won out over hāhuna and hunālika.
As of yet, no Nabataean Arabic inscriptions have been found with the distal deictics. Although in Safaitic they do show up, indeed lacking the characteristic Hijazi -l(i)- expansion. It is for this reason that @Safaitic argued this to be one of the typical Hijazi innovations.
So as should be clear from this thread, the deictic system brings several isoglosses that distinguish Old Hijazi from other regions (including Nabataean Arabic). The Quranic system is perfectly Old Hijazi; In Classical Arabic, however, we see non-Hijazi forms with some frequency.
That's the thread for now. Next thread will look at another clear innovation of Old Hijazi, the lack of Barth-Ginsberg alternation.
If you enjoyed this thread, please consider buying me a coffee: ko-fi.com/phdnix
While looking at the verse counts reported in the headers of Arabe 5122 I ran into a headscratcher: Sūrat al-Sajdah (Q32) (called tanzīl al-Sajdah here) is marked here as having 52 (!) verses. Traditional counts either have 29 (Basran count) or 30, so what happened here?
Let us first confirm that the manuscript does not have some kind of bizarre count. In between this Sūrah and the next, one encounters 2 10 verse markers and 3 5 verse markers. The actual count must therefore be more than 25 and less than 30 (so likely the Basran 29).
So what is going on? I started thinking: wait a minute, there is another Sūrah that historically is ALSO called al-Sajdah, or more specifically Ḥā-Mīm al-Sajdah, namely Fuṣṣilat (Q41). Could it be that our ornamenter got confused and mixed up the counts of the two Sajdahs?
Yesterday I gave an introduction on Nabataean Arabic and Old Hijazi and the Quran Arabic. Now, let's look at some of the linguistic features that both connect and differentiate these ancient dialects form one another!
One striking commonality between Nabataean and Old Hijazi is the definite article, which in both cases was /al-/. Today, this definite article is almost universal. Only in Yemen do we find forms such as /am-/. But in pre-Islamic times a vast majority of different forms existed.
In Safaitic inscriptions, which reflect other pre-islamic dialects of Arabic, we usually find <h->, <ʾ-> but sometimes also <hn-> and only occasionally <ʾl->.
I was asked a while ago to explain what historical linguists of Arabic mean when we told about 'Old Hijazi' and 'Nabataean Arabic' and how these relate to one another and where the language of the Quran fits in. So this thread will address these questions!
Nabataean Arabic is the language researchers suppose many of the inhabitants of the Nabataean Kingdom spoke. The Nabataeans, as a rule, used Aramaic as their administrative language. The script they used was a form of the Imperial Aramaic script. This script evolved over time.
Eventually this script evolves all the way to what we know as the modern Arabic script. This is a gradual development, and it is not possible to pinpoint where the 'Nabataean Aramaic' script ends and the 'Arabic script' begins.
In vocalized Kufic Qurans, as a rule only 3 things are consistently marked: hamzah, final short vowels, and ʾiʿrāb. Tanwīn is marked by writing the ʾiʿrāb twice. Occasionally the indefinite accusative is missing, e.g. ḥanīfan musliman. I figured out why! 🧵
Taking the Quran of Amajur as our base, we can make a list of places where the tanwīn is used, and places where it isn't. Let's also make note of the word that follows (that will become important).
Without dots:
-ʾarbāban (min)
-yahūdiyyan (lā)
-naṣrāniyyan (walākin)
An interesting orthographic feature of early Quranic vocalisation is that it differentiates word-initial ʾa from ʾā by the position of the fatḥah. For ʾa the fatḥah is to the RIGHT of the ʾalif and for ʾā it is to the LEFT.
ʾahli l-kitābi
ʾāmanū
This is a bit puzzling, because conceptually, Arab grammarians think of ʾāmanū to consist of hamzah followed by fatḥah and then ʾalif. So it is rather odd that the dot that denotes the hamzah comes after the ʾalif.
Al-Dānī in his muḥkam, a description of vocalisation agrees:
"All the dotters of ʿIrāq disagree with the people of Medina and others (notably Andalus and Maghreb) on the word-initial hamzah carrying a fatḥah which has an ʾalif after it within a single word, for example: ʾāmana, ʾādama and ʾāzara. They place it after the ʾalif.
One of the great mysteries of the Quranic reading traditions are their many phonetic irregularities, that seem to have no purpose except to show off some grammatical oddity. One of these is the ʾimālah of al-kēfīrīna. Ibn Ḫālawayh in his Ḥuǧǧah has an interesting discussion. 🧵
The plural of 'disbelievers', besides the now popular kuffār, is also kāfirūna in the Quran. In the genitive and accusative this becomes kāfirīna. Some readers read this (and ONLY this) as kēfirīna.
This is the reading of: ʾAbū ʿAmr, al-Dūrī ← al-Kisāʾī and Ruways ← Yaʿqūb.
In his al-Ḥuǧǧah fī l-Qirāʾāt al-Sabʿ, Ibn Ḫālawayh sets out to rationalize and explain the practices of the seven readers canonized by his teacher, Ibn Mujāhid. He also discusses al-Kēfirīna. Let's translate and give commentary along the way.