Great reflection on the debate over Trump as a “fascist” and, more generally, the uses and abuses of the #fascism concept in the current political discourse. I’d like to add a few thoughts and observations: 1/
In a vacuum, I think it’s fair to argue that the term “fascism” is sometimes used a little too indiscriminately, and that the indiscriminate use of the term can obscure more than it illuminates. 2/
There’s nothing unique about this tendency to overuse the term “fascism,” of course: The way the term “socialism” is used in the political debate, for instance, obviously bears little resemblance to what historians of the left would recognize. 3/
Most of the time, such terms aren’t used to make a historically informed argument – they are battle cries, intended to signal maximal distance from a political opponent, to disavow and de-legitimize a position or enemy. 4/
What about Trump and the American Right though? Some historians have made the argument that the term “fascism” can’t be removed from the specifics of Europe’s interwar period, that it should basically be reserved for movements that arose in the aftermath of World War I. 5/
Again, in a vacuum, I am somewhat sympathetic to this line of thinking, as long as it’s a general argument about the importance of distinct historical constellations. That’s not the same, however, as making an argument about the American Far Right. 6/
We should be careful not to conflate the two – which is what certain scholars of Nazism and European fascism do. Crucially, those Europeanist contributions to the debate over Trumpism have sometimes displayed a striking lack of awareness for the specifics of U.S. history. 7/
Let’s look at Richard Evans’ essay “Why Trump isn’t a fascist,” published a week after the January 6 attack on the Capitol. It’s a good example of the “Remember the specifics of the interwar period” argument – and indicative of why it often falls short. 8/ newstatesman.com/world/2021/01/…
Richard Evans is one of the pre-eminent scholars of Nazism – and arguably one of the best-known historians in the world. I respect him greatly, especially his earlier work that focused on nineteenth-century German social history; the focus on Nazism actually came quite late. 9/
Asked to comment on Trump and the debate over whether or not Trumpism is fascism, Evans answers with a maximalist version of the “Can’t be, if it’s not the interwar period” argument – best captured by @SethCotlar here: 10/
And in typical Evans fashion, he thinks anyone who disagrees does so because they basically don’t know what they’re talking about – in his words: “But few who have described Trump as a fascist can be called real experts in the field.” 11/
It’s a remarkably arrogant statement – and it’s also manifestly untrue. Here, for instance, is German historian Michael Wildt, absolutely an expert on Nazism, calling Trump and his supporters “modern fascism.” 12/
The bigger problem, however, is that Evans is commenting on something on which he simply is not a “real expert” himself: The past and present of U.S. politics in general, and specifically the past and present state of the American Right. 13/
Here’s what Evans has to offer on Trump. He argues that Trump is not, contrary to real fascists, a proponent of the totalitarian state, but “has encouraged a warped vision of personal freedom: a society in which people aren’t subject to government regulation or supervision”. 14/
That’s not, however, a plausible statement, considering that the core promise of Trumpism has been to mobilize and use the coercive powers of the state to uphold a certain social order in which white men are at the top, and keep in check those who deviate by whatever means. 15/
To Evans, Trump is merely a chaos agent, incapable of "real fascism" – and so, to him, the attack on Congress could not have been an attempted coup, "not a pre-planned attempt to seize the reins of government," as Trump is "too chaotic and undisciplined" to pull that off. 16/
That, again, is not an adequate characterization of what happened on January 6, and Evans’ singular, simplistic focus on Trump leads him to overlook not only the role of far-right groups, but also the complicity of Republican officials on all levels of government. 17/
It is striking how generally unaware Evans seems to be of the actual state of the conservative movement and the direction the Republican Party has taken. He lauds the Supreme Court for standing up to Trump – the same SC that gutted the Voting Rights Act. 18/
He sees Congress triumphing over Trump – and never mentions that almost all Republican lawmakers stood with the ex-President right until the end and are still pushing the Big Lie of widespread election fraud. 19/
And he praises election officials for resisting Trump’s pressure – while Republicans all over the country are all in on erecting one-party minority rule. 20/
Evans doesn’t even seem troubled by the fact that a majority of Republicans believe Joe Biden didn’t win a fair election: “But that does not mean they want the constitution to be overthrown, merely that they don’t think it’s been employed fairly.” Uhm, what? 21/
Yes, Richard Evans is an expert on Nazism. But he’s decidedly not an expert on U.S. history and politics, on the history of white supremacy in America, the American Far Right, and the conservative movement. "Real experts" on those fields won’t recognize Evans’ America. 22/
To sum up, it’s important to emphasize the specific historical circumstances that led to the rise of fascism in the interwar period, and it’s crucial to keep those in mind when using the term in any political context. 23/
But it does not follow that whoever speaks of fascism in America must be ignorant of fascism’s history. All too often, those who vehemently oppose the use of the term in a U.S. context betray an inadequate understanding of the Far Right and white supremacy in America. /end

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More from @tzimmer_history

25 Mar
From the perspective of a German who’s recently moved his family across the Atlantic, this is exactly what stands out about life in the United States, almost more than anything else.
I mean, I must have told my German mother at least twenty times how much we pay for childcare for our two boys - but every time we speak she asks again, because the number, while average for DC, is so beyond-the-pale crazy to German ears that it simply won’t register.
And healthcare... On New Year’s Eve 2019 our toddler fell, hurt his teeth, we had to go to the ER, in one of Germany’s best hospitals (University Hospital Freiburg), he was treated immediately - I received the bill four weeks later: 66 Euros. What would it have cost me over here?
Read 5 tweets
24 Mar
Think about how often gay marriage is described as a “polarizing” issue. Yes, the country was split in the middle on this question, about a decade ago; but this is not a story of #polarization - but one in which the majority of Americans is steadily coming around on major issues.
In many areas, the #polarization narrative obscures more than it illuminates. Take Americans’ changing views on LGBTQ rights, for example: Since the 1970s the percentage of people regarding homosexuality as an “acceptable lifestyle” has steadily increased.
The idea that gay Americans deserve civil rights protections at the work place reached near-consensus status long ago. So even in areas where substantive attitudes have shifted significantly, the public has not exactly been polarizing. #NotPolarization
Read 4 tweets
25 Nov 20
I reviewed @ezraklein‘s “Why We’re Polarized” for @hsozkult. A few thoughts, from a historical perspective, on an important book that still left me unconvinced that "polarization" is the right lens through which to analyze America’s recent past and present. 1/
Quick disclaimer: I’m not a political scientist and not necessarily interested in policy prescriptions. My perspective on “Why We’re Polarized” is that of a historian of 20th century U.S. politics who’s working on the history of the polarization idea/narrative. 2/
First of all, everyone should read "Why We’re Polarized." I learned an awful lot from this book, and the way @ezraklein summarizes and synthesizes the conflicts that shape U.S. politics and the forces that are shaping American society is truly impressive. 3/
Read 49 tweets
23 Nov 20
I was asked to provide a historical perspective on #Covid19 by @UniFreiburg's Studium generale and used the opportunity to reflect on what, if anything, we can learn from the global history of pandemics. Here’s a link to the recorded lecture (in German): videoportal.uni-freiburg.de/category/video…
Since the lecture is in German and basically the culmination of eight months of reflecting on, writing about, and debating #Covid19, I thought it might be useful to pull all my previous attempts at thinking about the pandemic historically together in one thread.
So here’s a thread of threads with links to lectures, articles, interviews, discussions. Please note: I put them in chronological order; my thinking about these issues has certainly evolved since the spring. #Covid19
Read 25 tweets
8 Nov 20
I RTed this thread by @mattsheffield yesterday because it contains crucial observations on conservative media.

However, I strongly disagree with the idea that Trump’s supporters are being "misled" and I don’t think "love can defeat hate" is a helpful motto. A few thoughts: 1/
To begin with, there is very little empirical evidence for the assertion that Trump’s supporters are simply being deceived by conservative elites. 2/
Considering that the question of what’s animated millions of Americans to stick with Trump has received more media and academic attention than any other topic over the past few years, that’s significant. 3/
Read 19 tweets
1 Oct 20
I find this question, prompted by @SethCotlar’s criticism of what he rightfully calls the "naïve, American Exceptionalist idea that 'it can’t happen here'," really interesting. A few thoughts from a German perspective. 1/
I’m not necessarily an expert on this topic and have not been following the debate among German conservatives super closely (keeping up with what’s happening on the American side of the Atlantic keeps you pretty busy these days…). So these are really just a few thoughts. 2/
Interestingly, German post-war history has been shaped by almost the reverse exceptionalist idea: "It happened here, so it can always happen again, and it is our responsibility to make sure that it won’t, at least not here." 3/
Read 21 tweets

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