In consonant clusters, *l bcomes: 1. tʸ before and after voiceless consonants
- ämäddäwktʸ 'friend', cf. Pan-Berber aməddakʷl
- ätʸkəm 'to arrive', cf. Tashlhiyt lkm 2. lt > ll
- tämäddäwkəL 'female friend', cf. taməddakʷlt 3. l > y
ogyi 'pass the afternoon', cf. kəl
Zenaga does not have the phoneme ʕ. And ɣ (which is the sound Tuareg borrows ʕ with for example) shifts to ʔ. Zenaga either borrowed ʕ as ɣ before the ɣ > ʔ shift, or just borrows ʕ as ʔ.
oʔreš 'to be slaughtered', cf. Pan-berber ɣrəs
However, Zenaga ʔ is not quite an independent consonant, but rather behaves as glottalisation of the vowel. As such, it can only stand in the coda of a syllable. This explains why it isn't *ayʔaḫtʸ.
- iʔy 'forearm', cf/ Tashlhiyt iɣil
One puzzle here is the reflex ḫ for Arabic *q. Normally, q is borrowed as ɣ. This is because in Hassaniya Arabic of the qāf shifts to gāf. the g, subsequently shifts to ɣ in certain conditioned environments (also in native words).
- aɣḏ̣uḏ̣ 'bird', cf. Tashlhiyt agḍiḍ
Now it seems reasonable for ɣ to devoice to ḫ before a voiceless consonant, but the tʸ reflex of *l only happens after voiceless consonants, so the ḫ must have been voiceless from the start!
Therefore, I think this word was borrowed from it's Classical form ʕaql, not ʕagl.
To sum up: 1. Starting with Arabic al-ʕaql 2. borrowed as alɣaql (or alʔaql) 3. shift of ɣ > ʔ, placement of *ʔ to coda position: alaʔql 4. l > y, tʸ: ayaʔqtʸ 5. q shifts to ḫ (due to lenition? or was it borrowed as ḫ from the start?): äyaʔḫtʸ
While there are hundreds of differences between modern print editions of the Quran and ancient manuscripts, this is not the case if you compare ancient manuscripts. They agree with each other in many non-trivial ways. I've done a quick a critical edition of Sūrat al-Raḥmān.
First image is some explanation on my sources and decisions that I have taken. Second image is the critical edition, which required only 12 notes in the critical apparatus. Many these deviations are typical only of later manuscripts. In the early centuries the text is very stable
At some point, some of the rasm is innovated, and in the eastern Islamic world the Uthmanic rasm is dropped altogether in favour of Classical Spelling. But before that the text transmission is remarkably stable.
This was done quickly maybe there's still some mistakes.
In the Quran, God is referred to in three places (Q2:255; Q3:2; Q20:111) as al-ḥayy al-qayyūm "The Living, The All-Sustaining". ʿUmar ibn al-Ḫaṭṭāb , the second Islamic caliph, is attributed as reading al-Ḥayy al-Qayyām, a reading which has an interesting biblical parallel.
This reading shows up in the non-canonical reading collections like Ibn Ḫālawayh, but also in Kufic manuscripts, see previous tweet where a vocalizer has added a yellow ʾalif to indicate al-ḥayy al-qayyām.
The specific al-ḥayy al-qayyām bring to mind a verse from Aramaic part of the Hebrew bible, Daniel 6:27 (thanks for alerting me of it@bnuyaminim!) it reads: הוּא אֱלָהָא חַיָּא וְקַיָּם לְעָלְמִין: hu ʾɛ̆lāhā ḥayyā wqayyām lʿålmīn "he is God, living and steadfast forever".
In recent months I've been looking at a specific group of Quranic manuscripts written in the very common B.II style. Today I decided to look at the size of the folios and their height and width. The outcome surprised me but is really cool, so here's a thread! 🧵
While the corpus of 22 manuscripts I'm looking at is all written in the same style, usually have 16 lines to the page, the actual sizes of the parchment folios differ radically from manuscript to manuscript. The smallest, Arabe 399 is 42 by 73 mm (!), the largest 310 by 410 mm.
The most typical size is around 150 x 205 mm, but what is the relationship between these vastly differing sizes? Is there any rhyme or reason?
I decided to plot the sizes out as a scatterplot , and the result was striking. They form an almost perfectly straight line!
ʾAbū Muḥammad Yaḥyā b. al-Mubārak al-Yazīdī (d. 202 AH) was a Basran reader and grammarian, who is most well-known as being the most prominent transmitter of the canonical Basran reader ʾAbū ʿAmr. He also composed his own personal reading which differed minimally from ʾAbu ʿAmr
Al-Ḏahabī relates an elegant 5 verse didactic poem composed by ʾAbū ʿAbd aḷḷāh al-Mawṣūlī Šuʿlah, which lists the places where al-Yazīdī differs from ʾAbū ʿAmr (and thus also differs from how he taught ʾAbū ʿAmr's reading to al-Dūrī and al-Sūsī). Let's look at the poem!
Metre: Ṭawīl.
ʾalā ḫuḏ limā ḫtāra l-yazīdī li-nafsihī
"Truly, take what al-Yazīdī chose for himself"
(Note al-Yazīdī instead of al-Yazidiyyu to fit the metre).
ḫālafa fīhi l-māziniyya muḥarrarā
"he disagreed with ʾAbū ʿAmr (al-Māzinī) as it is recorded in writing."
The extra ʾalif is not really a 'variant' of Q3:158, rather it's a widespread spelling variant that is employed with some frequency in ancient Quranic manuscripts whenever the aseverative la- precedes a word that start with a hamzah. @zxGTS5a
This spelling of writing la-ʾilā is in fact not JUST attested in early manuscripts. It is typical in print Qurans of the Indian sub-continent and well-recorded in medieval works on spelling variants.
It is in fact difficult to find manuscripts that *don't* have this spelling.
The Codex Parisino Petropolitanus (which includes Arabe 328a) has it. 1. The Samarkand Codex. 2. The Husayn mosque codex (Alif removed by a later scribe) 3. The Topkapı Mushaf 4. Arabe 332
@LaoshuL@shahanSean@dbru1 No it is not! This has been a misunderstanding that has been making the round by some Christian polemicists but it's a misunderstanding of what is going on. Let me try to unpack this: first شر البريئة is not the reading of Ibn Kathīr but of Nāfiʿ.
@LaoshuL@shahanSean@dbru1 Second: it is true that the word barīʾ means "innocent" or "free". In the feminine it would be barīʾah. šarru l-barīʾah cannot mean "the worst of the innocent". It means "the worst of the innocent woman". Which is clearly nonsensical. But that's not what Nāfiʿ's reading intends.
@LaoshuL@shahanSean@dbru1 The word bariyyah "creation", together with nabiyy "prophet" are ultimately Aramaic loanwords, which at one point had a hamzah, but even in Aramaic appear to have lost it quite early on. So it went from barīʾah to bariyyah, and nabīʾ to nabiyy.