The past few days I've been pondering over an interesting terminological conundrum in the use of the term madd 'length'/mamdūd 'lengthened' by al-Dānī (but also ibn Mujāhid), which seem to be mismatched with what he considered to be 'lengthened' in recitation.
So first some basics of Quranic recitation: the long vowels ā, ī and ū (and ē, ǟ and ǖ) are obligatorily made overlong whenever: 1. followed by a hamzah (glottal stop), e.g. السمآء as-samāāʾ "the sky" 2. in a closed syllable, e.g.: دآبّة dāābbah "animal"
This is called madd.
When there is disagreement among readers on such al-Dānī describes the long vowel that precedes the hamzah or consonant as "madd", rather than as ʾalif.
Ḥamzah and al-Kisāʾī: جعله دكا here with madd and hamz without tanwīn (dakkāʾa) and the rest: with tanwīn and no hamz (dakkan)
Nāfiʿ and ʾAbū Bakr: له شركا with kasr of the šīn and ʾiskān of the rāʾ with tanwīn (širkan). The rest: with ḍamm of the šīn, fatḥ of the rāʾ, madd and hamzah without tanwīn (šurakāʾa).
For closed syllables, this jargonic use is not found (but also it's very rare).
What's important is the term madd here is essentially equivalent to 'alif', but it is ONLY used when a hamzah is involved. This is even the case when we are looking at very comparable cases, for example when some of the readers read a noun as a FiʕāL pattern:
Nāfiʿ: دفع الله here an in al-Ḥajj with kasr of the dāl and an ʾALIF after the fāʾ (difāʿu). The rest read it with fatḥ of the dāl, ʾiskān of the fāʾ without ʾalif (dafʿu).
Ibn Kaṯīr: كان خطا with kasr of the ḫāʾ, fatḥ of the ṭāʾ with MADD (ḫiṭāʾan) (etc.)
This systematic difference in use of ʾALIF when no hamzah follows and MADD when hamzah does follow, naturally led me to think that al-Dānī is referring to the fact that the vowel is pronounced overlong.
However, he also uses madd for long vowels after hamzah!
For example:
The two of the holy cities, Ibn ʿĀmir and Ḥafṣ: لروف with madd whenever it occurs (raʾūf) and the rest with qaṣr (i.e. shortness) (raʾuf).
Ibn Kaṯīr: ما اتيتم with qaṣr (ʾataytumū) [...] and the rest with madd (ʾātaytum)
However, there is only one reciter that pronounces long vowels followed by hamz with madd in the technical sense, and that is Warš ʿan Nāfiʿ (and there as an option). As al-Dānī is clearly using the term madd here to refer to readers other than Warš, this can't be it.
Since Warš was the dominant reading in al-Dānī's 11th c. Andalusia, one might imagine that he simply picked up this way of referring to it from an underlying Warš-like phonology. But the 10th century Baghdādī Ibn Mujāhid has very similar use, using the term mamdūd for these.
One might also wonder whether this practice is purely orthographic. Today, hamzah followed by ā is also spelled آ (e.g. القرآن for al-qurʾān). But this was much less widespread in medieval times. And in Andalusia unheard of (there القرءان is used).
Moreover, it is not all that obvious that these authors would use purely orthography-inspired terminology. Arabic grammatical theory and terminology is notoriously non-orthographic. But why is it then that hamz + long vowel is called madd/mamdūd?
This practice might be innovative. When examining the works of the earliest grammarians, Sībawayh and al-Farrāʾ, they only use the term mamdūd in places where the vowel would indeed be overlong.
Thus, al-Farrāʾ calls the reading fa-ḏāānnika for فذانك 'mamdūd'.
Likewise the form zakariyyāāʾu is called mamdūd whereas the form without hamzah zakariyyā is called maqṣūr.
Sībawayh, I believe, only uses the term mamdūd to refer to ā followed by hamzah (and perhaps even only word-finally).
So what is going on?
I don't have a good answer, but for the use of the ʾalif, the practice is strikingly reminiscent of a (likewise strange) but really ancient orthographic practice of vocalised Qurans. Ancient Qurans used red dots to write the vowels, and the system has quite some subtleties.
A red dot placed at the top of an ʾalif can be placed to the right or the left of the ʾalif. In word-final position this marks the difference between aʾ and āʾ. Thus, the apocopate ʾin yašaʾ (إن يشأ) would get a dot to the right of the ʾalif, ʾan yašāʾa (أن يشآء) to the left.
But, somewhat surprisingly, word-initially both positions are ALSO used. Where the dot to the right is used for hamzah followed by short a, whereas hamzah followe by long ā is spelled with a dot to the left. In other words: ʾā and āʾ are spelled the same: 1. ʾataytum 2. ʾātaytum
So, the ancient vocalisation practice matches that of the terminology as used by al-Dānī and Ibn Mujāhid: they write hamzah followed by ā the same as ā followed by hamzah. Just like al-Dānī calls the vowel in both those situations 'madd'.
The parallel is not perfect. For example, in Quranic manuscript hamzah followed by ī and ū are spelled clearly distinct from ī and ū followed by hamzah. 1. la-raʾūfun / as-sūʾu 2. ʾīmānihī / bārīʾun (font displays the vowels below the yāʾ, sorry)
al-Dānī actually strongly disagreed with the practice of vocalizing the ʾā with a dot to the left of the ʾalif. He argued: the dot is the hamzah and it clearly comes BEFORE the ʾalif, therefore it should be written before it, and is quite vocal about it.
This is indeed the Maghrebi practice, wa-ʾāmana, with yellow dot before the ʾalif.
So if the practice of referring to such sequences as mamdūd has its origins in the vocalisation practice, certainly no awareness of that is present in al-Dānī's own work.
So that's it! Not a satisfying answer. Just an odd practice. Would love to hear if anyone has any smart solutions to this conundrum.
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Oh, almost forgot! I recently published an article on the use of the maddah sign in non-Quranic manuscripts, a topic that is certainly related to this conundrum. The article is Open Access, read it here! doi.org/10.1163/187846…
Months ago, I promised to do a follow-up thread on this series of comparisons between Nabataean Arabic and Old Hijazi. I said I would discuss the so-called Barth-Ginsberg alternation, this concerns the prefix vowel of verbs.
The medieval Arabic Grammarians tell us that the prefix vowel of verbs may be either /i/ or /a/, which is conditioned by the following vowel. If the vowel is /u, i/ the prefix vowel is /a/, and if the vowel is /a/, the prefix vowel is /i/.
- niʿlamu, nistaʿīnu
- naktubu, nafqidu
This alternation affects the prefix 1sg. ʾa/ʾi-, 1pl. na/ni- and the feminine or 2nd person ta/ti-. The masculine prefix ya- is said to be exempt from it (except for some contexts). Thus:
- ʾaktubu, taktubu, naktubu, yaktubu
- ʾiʿlamu, tiʿlamu, niʿlamu, YAʿlamu
While translating al-Dānī's taysīr, I ran into a very funny name for Sūrat al-ʾIsrāʾ. While the name it has today in the Cairo Quran is rare in the past, Sūrat banī ʾIsrāʾīl being much more common, the name that Pretzl produced, سجن is one I had never heard of...
So I check Kandil's 2009 article which lists all the different names for the Sūrahs as mentioned in Medieval sources. There was no سجن there, but there was an obvious other candidate! subḥāna.
Hypothesizing that the scribe wrote this Sūrah name defectively سبحن rather than سبحان this can easily be explained, in Naskh script the distinction between the two is rather subtle.
I started looking in some of the manuscripts I have access to to confirm my suspicion.
I'm always conflicted about the question of normalizing spelling in text editions. @bdaiwi_historia is right that this is standard practice for Classical Arabic text editions, but for linguists, this practice erases or distorts the history of a language, including Arabic.
Normalizing of spelling has long been a standard practice in a lot of philological fields, but in Indo-European Linguistics, my original field of study, people have been moving away from it.
This is because essential distinctions between, for example, Old Swedish and Old Icelandic only started becoming salient once text editors stopped normalizing everything towards an ideal "Old Norse" described in the grammars of the early philologists.
ifiɣr pl. ifaɣriwn is one of those words that has unexpected i~a alternation in the stem between the singular and the plural. Compare also igidr pl. igadrn 'eagle', iɣirdm pl. iɣardmiwn. Such alternations also show up in Tuareg tenere pl. tinariwen 'desert'
Kb. izimr pl. izamarən 'lamb'
Tuareg teɣse taɣsiwen 'ewe'
Tuareg eskăr pl. askarăn 'nail'
Whenever such alternations show up, Tuareg consistently gives a reflex with /e/ in the singular and /a/ in the plural. /a/ and /e/ seem to be phonetically conditioned variants elsewhere.
Because there is otherwise no reason to assume historical apophony here, I argue that here too the /e/, that becomes /i/ in most northern varieties must originally come from an *a, that shifts to /e/ in the singular, while this is blocked in the plural.
While there are hundreds of differences between modern print editions of the Quran and ancient manuscripts, this is not the case if you compare ancient manuscripts. They agree with each other in many non-trivial ways. I've done a quick a critical edition of Sūrat al-Raḥmān.
First image is some explanation on my sources and decisions that I have taken. Second image is the critical edition, which required only 12 notes in the critical apparatus. Many these deviations are typical only of later manuscripts. In the early centuries the text is very stable
At some point, some of the rasm is innovated, and in the eastern Islamic world the Uthmanic rasm is dropped altogether in favour of Classical Spelling. But before that the text transmission is remarkably stable.
This was done quickly maybe there's still some mistakes.
In the Quran, God is referred to in three places (Q2:255; Q3:2; Q20:111) as al-ḥayy al-qayyūm "The Living, The All-Sustaining". ʿUmar ibn al-Ḫaṭṭāb , the second Islamic caliph, is attributed as reading al-Ḥayy al-Qayyām, a reading which has an interesting biblical parallel.
This reading shows up in the non-canonical reading collections like Ibn Ḫālawayh, but also in Kufic manuscripts, see previous tweet where a vocalizer has added a yellow ʾalif to indicate al-ḥayy al-qayyām.
The specific al-ḥayy al-qayyām bring to mind a verse from Aramaic part of the Hebrew bible, Daniel 6:27 (thanks for alerting me of it@bnuyaminim!) it reads: הוּא אֱלָהָא חַיָּא וְקַיָּם לְעָלְמִין: hu ʾɛ̆lāhā ḥayyā wqayyām lʿålmīn "he is God, living and steadfast forever".