In this blog post, book authors Stephan Haggard & Robert R. Kaufman summarise their comparative research on democratic ‘backsliding’, describing how, & why, countries slip away from democracy, and asking, could democratic backsliding occur in the UK? bit.ly/2TarYOR
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The authors’ work identifies at least 16 countries - some of which were not so long ago viewed as stable and robust democracies – most notably the United States - which have recently experienced democratic backsliding, to varying degrees.
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Backsliding is a process of democratic reversion. Unlike a coup d'état, it is more insidious, with illiberal leaders rising to power within a democratic framework, attacking core features of democracy from within.
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The backsliding process presents three challenges to democratic rule: a collapse in the separation of powers between branches of government; the erosion of basic political rights and civil liberties; and attacks on the integrity of the electoral process.
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Looking at the first of these in the UK context, the most obvious recent example of pressure on the separation of powers came during the 2019 prorogation controversy that brought the executive, parliament and the courts into conflict.
The second factor, protection of basic political rights & civil liberties, includes freedom of speech, assembly & association.
In the UK there has been unease about the effects of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill on the right to protest. bbc.in/2SjYKgp
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Erosion of basic rights and liberties may also come through attacks on the media or the judiciary
The UK government’s plans for judicial power reform, partially contradicting findings of its own independent review, have raised concerns among some MPs bit.ly/3x7gACb
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The third challenge is to the integrity of the electoral process.
While the UK electoral system has not come under attack as occurred in the United States, some are concerned about the possible effects of the Electoral Integrity Bill.
Explaining causes of democratic backsliding, the authors identify 3 interrelated processes.
The first, political polarisation, has clear UK resonances post-Brexit.
Leaders paint political adversaries as traitors or enemies, to justify bad behaviour.
If ‘parliamentary majorities fall under the thumb of the autocrat’, this enables them to weaken other democratic institutions.
So vigilance by parliamentarians, particularly in the governing party, can be key to preventing backsliding.
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Third, incrementalism.
Often ‘normative limits are tested one initiative at a time, with each derogation making subsequent steps easier to pursue.’
Like the proverbial frog in the pan, the damage may already have been done before those affected realise what is happening.
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As the authors point out, backsliding sees democracies being undermined by the very leaders that publics elect
They conclude: ‘autocracies do not necessarily arrive with a general standing in front of bank of microphones… they can come by stealth’
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Hence the authors warn that backsliding is ‘a development which should give all democrats, even those in the seemingly most stable democracies, cause for concern.’
For full details read the blog, or access their book ‘Backsliding’ here: bit.ly/3w5gcnk
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A year ago today, the House of Commons returned to business transformed by COVID-19. This briefing (summarised in a letter to @thetimes) highlights five ways in which the government’s approach to the House of Commons has eroded parliamentary control
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1.The use of emergency legislation.
The Coronavirus Act 2020 relaxed the normal safeguards on official action. But it passed the Commons in just one day, and despite requiring six-monthly renewal, has been debated by MPs for just five hours in the past year.
A new report by Unit Director Meg Russell and @danielgover argues that the House of Commons should govern its own time – and makes proposals for wresting back that control from the government. @UKandEU
There have been numerous recent controversies over control of the Commons’ time
Think of Brexit headlines about MPs ‘seizing the agenda’, or clashes over procedure during the pandemic. At the heart of both lie questions about who decides what the Commons discusses & when⏱️
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At present, the government has significant agenda control 💪. And it has monopoly control over prorogation & recall, which determine whether the Commons can sit at all.
Our new report explores this system, its problems, and what can be done.
@DanielGover & @james_lisak review the development of the hybrid Commons during 2020 - arguing that remote voting must now be restored, & that these events reveal the problems of government control over the Commons agenda
Last spring, the Commons adapted quickly to the challenges of the pandemic. Hybrid arrangements for select committees & Commons debates, & online remote voting, were all in place by mid-May - a major achievement by Commons staff.
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But in May the government simply allowed those arrangements to lapse, despite anger from opposition & backbench MPs.
It would take until 30/12 - when the government wanted MPs to debate its Brexit deal legislation - for full virtual participation in debates to be restored.
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Statement from Unit Director Professor Meg Russell on the 16 new appointments to the House of Lords announced today.
"It is hard not to see the Prime Minister’s latest round of peerage appointments as anything less than outrageous"
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It's 3 days before (what's left of) Christmas, so there will be no full analysis now.
But to see the effects of today's peerage announcements just add 16 (7 Con, 5 Lab, 4 Crossbench) to the details below. The rest of the analysis still stands.
Following 14 months of research, deliberation, interviews and consultation, the Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland launches its interim report.