Sūrat Maryam (Q19) is well-known among scholars of the Quran for having a highly conspicuous passage (quran.com/19/34-40) which must be an interpolation.
The question however is: when was this section interpolated into the Quran? Manuscript evidence can give us some hints.🧵
Many scholars as early as Nöldeke and as recent as Guillaume Dye have pointed to these verses as looking like a conspicuous interpolation. And indeed the section really stands out for several reasons:
1. The rhyme scheme of Maryam is:
1-33: -iyyā
34-40: -UM (ūn/īm/īn)
35-74: -iyyā
75-98: -dā
In other words our passage abruptly disrupts the consistent (and unique to this Sūrah) rhyme -iyyā.
This is atypical for the Quran and makes the section stand out.
2. Narratively the Sūrah is perfectly coherent, with a clear narrative structure, when you remove this conspicuous section.
3. The suspected interpolation stands on its own and has a clear anti-Christian polemical tone, somewhat out of whack with the rest of the Sūrah.
These are all compelling arguments for an interpolation. But it begs the question: when was this interpolation introduced? One might imagine that such an interpolation would be useful introduce in post-prophetic times when Islam more clearly distinguishes it from Christianity.
In recent years it has become clear that the standard text as we know it was certainly canonized no later than Uthman's reign (ca. 650 CE). And this passage is well-attested in early Uthmanic texts to confirm it was there in that recension.
But as it turns out, the passage is even present in the Sanaa Palimpsest, an extremely early non-Uthmanic text, which Behnam Sadeghi has argued was a (copy of) one of the codices of the companions of the prophet.
This text is either a sister copy of the Uthmanic text, from an ultimate original archetype P (which Sadeghi identifies as a prophetic exemplar), or one of the companion copies that fed into the creation of the Uthmanic text.
In the edition of Sadeghi and @MohsenGT the relevant passage is attested. It deviates in some ways from the standard text, I've adapted their fastidious transcription somewhat and laid it out verse by verse and added all the dots. Green marks deviations from the Uthmanic text.
Q19:34 is identical except that after allaḏī the verb kāna 'it was' follows, with an unreadable gap which should leave room for an-nāsu, a reading reported for the codex of ʾUbayy b. Kaʿb: "That is Jesus, son of Mary - the word of truth about which the people used to dispute"
Q19:35 the wording is a little different. Rather than "It is not befitting for Allah to take any son", the text rather reads "Allah can not take a son".
The other variants are small to the point of being barely translatable. But clearly the interpolation is there.
So this tells us that the interpolation must even predate the Uthmanic recension project by some time, back to a time that variant companion codices were still around and held some authority already.
The manuscript record does retain a non-interpolated version.
The fact that companion codex reports in the literary tradition likewise have variants reported (one of which also shows up in the Ṣanʿāʾpalimpsest), suggests that it wasn't just the Ṣanʿāʾ palimpsest that had this interpolation, other codices of the time did too.
This makes it it clear that the common ancestor of all these companion codices, that is the "prophetic archetype" already had these interpolations. That makes it quite likely that the prophet himself interpolated these verse at some point during his career.
There are other ways to explain the same data, but it would require quite radical rethinking of who was composing these portions of the Quran in the "prophetic" archetype, and it is difficult to see how the interpolation came to be widely accepted without an authoritative figure.
Of course the Islamic tradition reports at times examples of 'autointerpolation' by the prophet, where certain later revelations were inserted into certain sections of the Quran. This could very well be an example of that.
This is not the only case where the Ṣanʿāʾ palimpsest allows us to confirm the very ancient origins of interpolations. In fact, not a single verse present in the ʿUṯmānic text is missing in the Ṣanʿāʾ palimpsest (and vice versa!)!
In a short article I'm currently writing about the contents of the Ṣanʿāʾ palimpsest I make the point that in order to properly historically contextualize possible cases of interpolation, we have acknowledge the striking fact that they were already in place before canonization!
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INTERPOLATE *not between "does" and "retain" please. Sorry. Clumsiest typo ever.
ADDENDUM: I forgot a "not" in a rather crucial part of my thread 😂
The name of God in the Quran is Aḷḷāh, that much is clear. We also know that the Quran explicitly equates its God with the God the Christians and Jews follow. Today Arabic Christian and Jews alike will indeed call their God that. But where does this name come from? 🧵
It is frequently (and not unreasonably) assumed that Aḷḷāh is a contraction of the definite article al- "the" + ʾilāh "deity". And this is indeed likely its origin, but it is not without its problems. This loss of hamzah and kasrah (and addition of velarization) is irregular.
In Classical Arabic, the expected outcome of al-+ ʾilāh would simply be al-ʾilāh, not Aḷḷāh. So while its etymology might be "The God", the name does not mean "The God", just like "Peter" to an English speaker would not mean "stone".
The verse starts with ʾinna llaḏīna ʾāmanū wa-llaḏīna hādū wa-ṣ-ṣāb(iʾ)ūna wa-n-naṣārā "Indeed, those who have believed, and those who were Jews or Sabians or Christians". The sentence is introduced with ʾinna "indeed", which should be followed by a noun in the accusative.
Thus, we would not expect wa-ṣ-ṣābiʾūna, but rather wa-ṣ-ṣābiʾīna.
(The joke here is, had we read it not as a nominative plural but as the noun aṣ-ṣābūna "the soap", it would be in the accusative and grammatical unproblematic! But this is just silly of course).
Whenever one learns Classical Arabic, they are usually told that it has 6 vowels, three short ones: /a/, /i/, /u/, and their long counterparts: /ā/, /ī/, /ū/.
But many Quranic reading traditions have more than those, a short thread on the vowel systems of the seven readers. 🧵
Every single reader may have an overlong pronunciation of every single long vowel the reader has. These overlong vowels are phonetically conditioned and therefore non-phonemic. They occur: 1. Before hamza /ʔ/: [samāāʔ] /samāʔ/ 2. In super heavy syllables: [dāābbah] /dābbah/
Ibn Kaṯīr simply what we would think of as the Classical Arabic vowel system. The only difference is it has the non-phonemic overlong vowels. But I've argued in a recent paper that that is actually a feature more broadly in Classical Arabic prose.
It's clear that the Uthman's Quran recension is a very stable text tradition, and I'm sometimes asked: is there any text in antiquity that shows a similar kind of stability over such a long time?
The answer: Yes there is. The (proto-)Masoretic tradition of the Hebrew bible.🧵
The Masoretic Text (MT) is one of several text traditions of the Hebrew Bible, and it is the tradition in which it is printed today. We technically speak of the Masoretic Text only when it has full vocalisation signs and marginal reading notes. thetorah.com/article/the-bi…
This tradition gets the form as we know it around the 10th century, and has remained basically unchanged since then.
However, with new discoveries (especially the Dead Sea Scrolls) it became clear that a consonantal skeleton of the MT is much much older. thetorah.com/article/judean…
Question for my followers who know Japanese: I'm looking at a Japanese Quran translation, and for the honorific form it uses compounds with 給う. But past tense isn't the expected tamatta, but 給うた, I'm guessing tamōta. Is that Classical Japanese? And how does it work?
I suppose this is the way that Kansai-ben would do a past tense like that. 笑うた warōta instead of 笑った waratta. But I don't think this translation is aiming to be in Kansai-ben. So is conventional modern pronunciation of Classical Japanese kansai-ified?
Im aware that there are other cases of polite/honorific speech where Japanese verbal conjugation suddenly start working as if it is Kansai-ben. Most notably with verbs like 御座る gozaru, which in the renyoukei form suddenly loses the expected /r/, 御座います.
Al-Farrāʾ's "Kitāb fīhi Luġāt al-Qurʾān", while listing different dialectal forms, he frequently opines on what is or is not used in recitation. He is our earliest source (d. 207 AH) of normative opinions given about what is appropriate for recitation. A small thread:🧵
faʿīl stems may become fiʿīl if the second root consonant is one of the six guttural consonants among Qays, Tamīm and Rabīʿah: riḥīm, biʿīr, liʾīm, biḫīl, riġīf, šihīd.
"But one does not recite with it, because the recitation is with the former (Hijazi) practice", ar-raḥīm etc
Qurayš and Kinānah say: nastaʿīnu, and the recitation follows it. Tamīm, ʾAsad and Rabīʿah say nistaʿīnu.
The Kufan al-ʾAʿmaš, who is part of al-Farrāʾ's isnād (al-Kisāʾī < Ḥamzah < al-ʾAʿmaš) , in fact recited in this way. But by al-Farrāʾs time no it was no longer accepted.