Nate Cohn Profile picture
Jan 21 18 tweets 4 min read
Biden was supposed to be FDR.
Instead, he's following the playbook of the last half century of politically unsuccessful Democratic presidencies, from LBJ and Clinton to Obama.
The result: only 33% say he's focused on the issues they care about
nytimes.com/2022/01/21/us/…
I cited this recent CBS/YouGov poll several times, and I think it's worth taking a look at if you missed it.
Public opinion isn't always straightforward, but Biden's situation isn't really all that complicated
cbsnews.com/news/biden-inf…
tbh Biden hasn't had any difficulty passing legislation that's aimed at dealing with immediate challenges / that has a chance to help him politically
I'm not surprised by the replies of course, but I'll leave this for you to mull:
The last three Dem presidents came into office, pushed big transformative legislative initiatives, found themselves at 45% approval after a year.
There may be a political problem with this strategy
Many critiques of those presidencies were tactical:
With Clinton, the problem was that the bill didn't pass. With Obama, the bill wasn't popular.
With Biden... it's strategic: these initiatives, disconnected from top issues, don't seem to be what the public really wants
Once you reach that conclusion about Biden, I do think you have to ask that question about the rest of them--about nearly every Dem term from FDR's second term to today.
The magic of FDR's first term was that the *circumstances* brought an alignment between the public's demands and liberal hopes for bold initiatives, framed as a necessary response to an immediate crisis. Biden had a chance to capture that, and he's lost the thread
Ask me whether I like cake, I'll say yes--politely (I don't love it tbh)
Bring me a cake if my house is burning, and maybe I won't really approve of your performance
And remember, almost by definition, the persuadable voters do not necessarily *love* the Democratic agenda, even if they like it. They would be Democrats if they did.
That's a major reason why big policy ideological initiatives never really seem to help any president
Lots of (negative lol) feedback, so it's hard to go through it all. But one recurring question: what's a politically successful president? And who is one?
One basic matter of clarification: I see political and policy success as distinct questions, just as policy and political analysis are different genres.
No one encapsulates that better than LBJ: unmatched accomplishments, yet didn't run for reelection and Dems lose 5 of next 6
(and I think LBJ's political failure is a great example of how legislative successes, even massive ones like medicare/medicaid, are just no substitute for being able to address immediate challenges that loom first for voters (Vietnam/unrest, etc.)
So what's a politically successful president? I'll admit it's fuzzy. A few heuristics: did your party win a third term; did your agenda inspire backlash; did your opposition need to to shift to return to power; did you redefine the meaning of your party/ideology favorably?
I don't think it's as simple as electoral outcomes. Someone like Bush Jr, for ex, I think is a pretty unmitigated political failure, even though you could say he won reelection and had a good midterm there.
But I am still fundamentally talking about electoral outcomes, public opinion and the national mood, not whether you have a successful legislative agenda, for ex.
All that said, given the fuzziness of the idea I don't really want to defend it too vigorously. If you want to call Clinton a success bc he ended with a high approval rating, I wouldn't tell you that you're stupid/wrong or something. It's pretty debatable in a lot of cases
The key argument in the article, which has definitely been lost in this tangent about who is successful, is not so fuzzy: voters don't think Biden's focused on the issues that matter to them, and it's a big part of his political problem
And that's where the analogy to LBJ lies. Biden's approach just isn't going to address his problems, much like the Great Society wasn't going to make LBJ popular in spite of his challenges

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More from @Nate_Cohn

Jan 13
There will be a lot of questions about whether there was another path if Congress doesn't pass voting rights.
But given the path they did take (hope Manchinenma crack), I do think the timing and duration of the push--after 1/6 anniversary, around MLK day--seems pretty optimal
While other legislative strategies would benefit from being earlier in the cycle, when Biden's political capital was at its highest and before the issue was politicized, getting Manchinema to 'crack' probably did require a longer campaign
And if your strategy ultimately just involves hoping they eventually see the light, the timing around 1/6 and MLK day is about as much as you can ask
Read 4 tweets
Jan 6
Twitter, as you know, is not real life. But what happens on Twitter is not isolated from reality.
A Sanders/Warren left may not be a majority of Dems, but it's real/important! You can tell on Twitter.
On Twitter today, you can tell COVID politics have shifted, even decisively
Today, you can see a sizable and increasingly passionate *intra-Democratic* fight on COVID. Obama-era Dem stalwarts--think, other Nate or Yglesias--are in revolt against COVID emergency precautions.
And OTOH, there's still a vigorous group arguing for strong measures
Twitter, again, is not real life. For ex: IDK the size of these factions in the Dem electorate.
But for national political purposes, a vigorous intra-D elite fight on COVID tells you all you need to know about the politics at this point: it's shifted against emergency measures
Read 7 tweets
Dec 29, 2021
For the handful of you complaining that the commission-drawn California map is a gerrymander
This is a state Biden won by 30. I'm not saying Republicans should be grateful that they get districts, but no one should have any illusions about what a real gerrymander would mean for the CA GOP
There are lots of angry people insisting that California is a gerrymander. They don't even feel the need to argue it, because they think it's so obvious. (i think it's obvious the other way)
So before I explain my case, let me ask: why do you think California is a gerrymander?
Read 23 tweets
Dec 29, 2021
I broadly agree with this, though I'd add one additional twist on how to think about redistricting by seat: whether we're comparing to the actual outcome in 2020 or a hypothetical expected outcome on the old map in 2022
Take VA, for instance.
Dave treats this as an R+1 shift, since Dems aren't favored to hold VA-2 (which is true).
But they probably would have won VA-2 in 2020 (this is still a Biden CD). So I'm not sure I'd call this a loss due to redistricting
And on the other hand, Democrats might have been underdogs in both VA-2/7 on the old map in '22. By that forward looking measure, one could say the Democrats might be favored to gain a seat due to redistricting
Read 9 tweets
Dec 27, 2021
It seems people are struggling to believe this @EricLevitz piece, based on @Wertwhile analysis, so let me add a few hard numbers to help clarify
Take the 'mean-median gap', maybe the very simplest measure of whether a party will struggle to translate their popular majority into a congressional majority.
Across the 241 districts drawn so far, the mean-median gap is 0.00, down from R+2.4 in these same states in 2020 pres.
So, to this point, the map is not simply 'not as bad' for Democrats as feared. The first 241 districts so far are basically fair, thanks to a mix of both Democratic and Republican gerrymandering cancelling the other out
Read 9 tweets
Dec 27, 2021
I think this piece is broadly right, but a lot of what looks like a huge surprise in redistricting comes from two separate measures of the effect of redistricting: change in party control v. change in PVI nymag.com/intelligencer/…
Take NV. It had a 3-1 Dem delegation in '20; it will have a 3-1 map in '21. No change, as expected before redistricting.
But the districts got quite a bit stronger for Democrats.
In '20, it was 3-1 to the right of the national vote, now it's 3-1 to the left.
Before redistricting, most of the analysis was done in terms of that former measure--expected seat flips.
Now that we have actual districts, most of the analysis is being done with the latter.
Read 10 tweets

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