This is a state Biden won by 30. I'm not saying Republicans should be grateful that they get districts, but no one should have any illusions about what a real gerrymander would mean for the CA GOP
There are lots of angry people insisting that California is a gerrymander. They don't even feel the need to argue it, because they think it's so obvious. (i think it's obvious the other way)
So before I explain my case, let me ask: why do you think California is a gerrymander?
Here's a common one: proportionality. Dems got 65% of the major party vote; they get 80% of seats.
I understand that response, but in all seriousness: proportionality is a great criteria, especially in lopsided states. In fact, the GOP gets ~ fair share
Why? Districts represent geographic areas. In lopsided states, a party tends to nearly everywhere.
To take extreme ex, imagine a state where Reps won 70/30... but there was no place where Dems won.
There's no way you could draw 30% of dists for the Dems.
(WY/WV is an IRL ex)
We can measure this phenomenon in a pretty simple way: what percentage of people *live* in Democratic precincts? what percentage *live* in Democratic counties?
That's slightly different than vote share, but it's the one that really informs this problem.
You can imagine two states, for ex: one where Dems win 60/40 in every precinct (here we'd expect Dems to get all CDs), and one where Dems win 100% in 60% of precincts, and GOP wins 100% in 40% of precincts (here we'd expect the GOP to get a lot of CDs!)
What's the number for California? Well in 2020, 84% of votes were cast in Democratic precincts, even though Democrats won 64% of the vote (i'd guess the disparity is even greater using *people* not votes)
That means we expect Democrats to win a disproportionate number of seats.
The same measure, btw, shows some of the challenges Democrats have in other states.
Only 44% of votes in Wisconsin were cast in Biden precincts! That's a huge part of their 'geography' problem, and why even a Dem draw would struggle to get to a 4-4 split
In the case of California, the 84% share of votes cast in Biden precincts happens to exactly line up with the... 84.6% of districts on the new map that Biden won.
Doesn't prove it's not a gerrymander, but it's a reason I don't think the proportionality argument is compelling
We can look at it in terms of counties, too. Counties are a key building block for districts, and it captures something that precincts don't get: whether the precincts are grouped together in a way that lend themselves to effcient/inefficient districting
Well, 94% of votes in California live in counties that voted for Biden.
There just aren't many areas that obviously entitled to a CD at the county-level (kern, NoCal, east of Sacramento and to its south). And they all got CDs
Counties may seem arbitrary, but jursidictional lines are one of the key criteria for nonpartisan map making. There are jurisdictions that obviously deserve a Democratic CD in other states that don't get one (Cobb, Ft. Worth TX, etc.). There's nothing quite like that here
40% of Ohio's population lives in Biden counties, and 36% live in Biden precincts. That would yield 5 or 6 Biden CDs, which is about what I get when I draw a map by nonpartisan standards. Current map is 4, though barely
Looking at Texas, 52% of people live in Biden counties and 46% live in Biden precincts.
That would yield a pretty evenly divided congressional delegation, which is also what I get when I draw a map by nonpartisan standards
The other argument I see: a few cases (mainly Sacramento and CA-20) where people think the lines are bad for the Republicans, which I personally agree with!
The question is whether that makes it a gerrymander, and I don't think it adds up to one for two main reasons
First, there are plenty of cases where the Republicans should be quite happy with the lines, especially in southern California
If you've got a mix of favorable and unfavorable choices, with no obvious net partisan effect, I don't think it's easy to say there's a gerrymander
And more generally, I think it is very hard to declare a gerrymander off of a few choices you don't like!
If Sacramento makes a gerrymander, is Arizona a GOP gerrymander because Tucson was split and denied Dems a seat they had before? No!
There were lots of Democrats on this website declaring Colorado a gerrymander because they don't like the new CO-8, which I absolutely would not have drawn myself.
Also not a gerrymander
And I'd note that in the scheme of the whole map, that these choices in CO-08 and AZ-06 go a lot further toward deciding the over all character of a map than one or two CDs out of 52 in California
And I'll add a third point: the magnitude of the choice is relevant. Yes, these choices in Sac/Fresno shore up two Dems (nevermind that the reverse could be true in SoCal in a few cases).
It's just not the same as outright denying a CD that a party is plainly entitled to
IF the Democrats had tried to deny the GOP a few CDs they could do so. They could potentially eliminate every one of them. But I'm not sure they've denied the GOP even a single CD that they're clearly entitled to, even if we conceded that the balance of choices work against them
One random closing thought here, aimed more at the reformist left. It's fashionable on this website to dismiss compactness in favor of other criteria, but the reactions to the California map are a reminder that...
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I broadly agree with this, though I'd add one additional twist on how to think about redistricting by seat: whether we're comparing to the actual outcome in 2020 or a hypothetical expected outcome on the old map in 2022
Take VA, for instance.
Dave treats this as an R+1 shift, since Dems aren't favored to hold VA-2 (which is true).
But they probably would have won VA-2 in 2020 (this is still a Biden CD). So I'm not sure I'd call this a loss due to redistricting
And on the other hand, Democrats might have been underdogs in both VA-2/7 on the old map in '22. By that forward looking measure, one could say the Democrats might be favored to gain a seat due to redistricting
Take the 'mean-median gap', maybe the very simplest measure of whether a party will struggle to translate their popular majority into a congressional majority.
Across the 241 districts drawn so far, the mean-median gap is 0.00, down from R+2.4 in these same states in 2020 pres.
So, to this point, the map is not simply 'not as bad' for Democrats as feared. The first 241 districts so far are basically fair, thanks to a mix of both Democratic and Republican gerrymandering cancelling the other out
I think this piece is broadly right, but a lot of what looks like a huge surprise in redistricting comes from two separate measures of the effect of redistricting: change in party control v. change in PVI nymag.com/intelligencer/…
Take NV. It had a 3-1 Dem delegation in '20; it will have a 3-1 map in '21. No change, as expected before redistricting.
But the districts got quite a bit stronger for Democrats.
In '20, it was 3-1 to the right of the national vote, now it's 3-1 to the left.
Before redistricting, most of the analysis was done in terms of that former measure--expected seat flips.
Now that we have actual districts, most of the analysis is being done with the latter.
I think there's a lot to agree with here, especially if you're still optimistic about BBB's prospects.
The better question is why it feels that Biden's accomplished so little theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…
The rescue package really stands out for me in that regard. Doesn't really feel like Biden/Democrats already spent $2tn in party line spending this year, does it?
I don't remember the backstory on why the CTC wasn't made permanent at that point, but that's an example of how it could have done more. Or maybe they could have gotten paid leave in there (framed as making sure people can take off work if they test positive)
Obviously we'll see soon enough, but are we 100.0% convinced Manchin just killed BBB? His statement led with "cannot vote to continue," which sounds like whether to start debate on the current bill (which he was against).
Now, he used some really strong "can't get there" language--so maybe it's the whole thing, not just the House blueprint. But you can also construe his comments to still allow for, say, 1.7bn over 10 years with fully funded programs, as he's implied before. Worth clarifying
After all, he later leveled his long-standing critique of the House bill: it didn't fully fund programs, but instead partially funded a bunch of things.
Perhaps it still leaves the door open for fully funded/prioritized bill, as he's argued over and over
From a political standpoint, it seems increasingly likely that the main consequence of omicron will be to accelerate the end of the coronavirus crisis/state of emergency
Yes, the short-term effect is a wave of cases, which may or may not increase in hospitalization/deaths (depending on how the lower severity x higher transmissibility equation sorts out).
But even assuming there is a wave of hospitalizations/death, this will be a changed pandemic.
There won't be a fantasy of crushing a highly transmissible variant with the ability to evade vaccines. And at the same time, the risks may seem more acceptable, due to diminished severity, growing immunity and improved treatment options