Heading into today's NC ruling, I had assumed that a pro-Democratic ruling would probably add two Democratic-leaning CDs--one in Greensboro, the other in the rural northeastern part of the state.
But based on this decision, the Democrats have more upside
The decision doesn't, say, order the GOP to uncrack Greensboro/Black areas of northeast NC.
Instead, it asks Republicans to rely on various statistical measures, like mean-median/efficiency gap, to determine the fairness of the plan.
A map like this one--with two additional Democratic-leaning CDs--would still leave the GOP with a 9-5 edge, an R+11 efficiency gap, and a huge 10 net-pt mean-median gap
So my guess is that the court would *not* going to be happy with a map like that, which merely creates two new Dem seats and leaves in place a significant GOP bias by those measures. If the GOP doesn't do more, the court redraw the map itself--with big downside risk for the GOP
And I'd note that this goes well beyond where the NC court went last time--it was ok with an 8-5 GOP map when it last ordered a new map; it doesn't really seem to me like the equivalent map would pass muster so easily this time
so at this point, i think this is the best sort of map the GOP can hope to get away with (not saying they would, given the court), but this is the best I think a gambling GOP could hope to pull off
it's a 9-5 map in 2020 pres (8-6 in Senate, 7-7 gov) with it has 2 CDs that barely voted for Trump, yielding 7-7 v. the statewide vote. the GOP could hope for a 10-4 outcome in '22.
with this map, the mean-median is still wide at 2.3 pts and the efficiency gap is at 7.9. the court could definitely still strike it down.
but the court didn't set any standards for mean/median, efficiency gap. and i think a gambling GOP could at least argue it's good enough
the case, i think, would rest on a comparison to the PA '18 map and the NC '20 redraw, and say that it's basically as fair as those maps (avg mean-median of 2.4 and efficiency gap of 6.7 in '16 pres)
and again, i'm not putting this out there to say this is the likeliest outcome; i'm doing it to say that i think this is the best plausibly defensible case for the GOP at this point.
yeah, i left the VRA CD entirely untouched--the decision made no specific reference to it, as far as i could tell. making the district more D doesn't really help the GOP with 'fairness' measures. and again, a 'best for GOP' for map
I take that back--padding the VRA CD is probably in GOP interest, given that the VRA question wasn't sorted out. They wouldn't want to have to tack on adjusting that later on top of this, and it does help them a bit on partisan fairness
So here we have a map with the efficiency gap at 6.9 and mean/median at 2.6 for '20 pres. It's pretty close to the last Supreme Court approved map (R+6.6 and 2.8 for '16 pres), which is a natural standard for GOP to demand I think
One interesting question for the GOP is whether they can make both of the new light red CD's in GOP trending areas. This map has one of the new light red CDs in Wake County; they could easily lose it by the end of the decade.
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I'm seeing a fair amount of fighting over this tweet. Whether it's right depends on the meaning of 'very substantial,' ofc, and it's hard to assign probabilities to a lot of this
But it is at least a real possibility at this point.
Let's work through it
Let's start by penciling in the likely-conservative outcome in every state but PA, NC, OH, FL, AL (I say conservative bc I'll assume, say, a 1-1 split in NH).
If you do that, you get 190 seats that voted more for Biden than the US.
To get 218, Dems need 28 more Dem-tilting seats from PA, NC, OH, FL and AL. In each of these states, there's a realistic 'bad' and 'good' option for Democrats
Over at the Morning, @DLeonhardt is going back and forth a bit with @paulkrugman about why consumer confidence is low, despite a growing economy.
They have two theories; I'll add a third
Krugman notes the inflation numbers aren't *so* bad that it should mean consumer confidence is *this* low.
I do agree with that premise.
If you fit a quick model of consumer confidence as a function of inflation, gdp, income, and unemployment, you'd guess that consumer confidence should be 10-15 points higher or so, depending on model specification. A fairly large gap (truth is red; est is black)
The galaxy brain version of popularism would say liberalism's biggest challenge is that it's no longer especially democratic in a deeper, Dewey-ian sort of way
For all the talk about illiberal democracy, there's a lot to be said for 'undemocratic liberalism' as a challenge in America today--from both the left and the right's point of view.
The left's fear of undemocratic liberalism is fairly obvious, since it's about democratic institutions: they worry about minority rule, subversion, suppression and so on somewhat more than they worry about an end to the First Amendment or something
I think this is true, but to me the more surprising phenomenon of the last year is how... long it has taken for Democrats and progressives to readjust their expectations
This last line here--about an inability to acknowledge that there were real limitations--really resonates with my experiences and I have to say that it caught me by surprise
One maybe related phenomenon is the growing alignment between ideology and what I'll call the pragmatism-v-idealism dimension of politics among Democrats, which has really taken off since '15 or so
Biden was supposed to be FDR.
Instead, he's following the playbook of the last half century of politically unsuccessful Democratic presidencies, from LBJ and Clinton to Obama.
The result: only 33% say he's focused on the issues they care about nytimes.com/2022/01/21/us/…
I cited this recent CBS/YouGov poll several times, and I think it's worth taking a look at if you missed it.
Public opinion isn't always straightforward, but Biden's situation isn't really all that complicated cbsnews.com/news/biden-inf…
tbh Biden hasn't had any difficulty passing legislation that's aimed at dealing with immediate challenges / that has a chance to help him politically
There will be a lot of questions about whether there was another path if Congress doesn't pass voting rights.
But given the path they did take (hope Manchinenma crack), I do think the timing and duration of the push--after 1/6 anniversary, around MLK day--seems pretty optimal
While other legislative strategies would benefit from being earlier in the cycle, when Biden's political capital was at its highest and before the issue was politicized, getting Manchinema to 'crack' probably did require a longer campaign
And if your strategy ultimately just involves hoping they eventually see the light, the timing around 1/6 and MLK day is about as much as you can ask