One way to think about the Alabama application is that it's an implicit argument that there shouldn't be any Black majority CD in Alabama--or, at least not one that extends out of the so-called Black Belt
The 'compactness' standard in Gingles has always been poorly defined. The AL application is arguing for a higher standard for compactness--something in-line with the standard for compactness that exists in non-VRA districts (COI, geographic regions, crossing jurisdictional lines)
The catch, of course, is that the current AL-7 doesn't meet that standard either--you'd never draw the Black Belt to downtown Birmingham CD (or Mobile for that matter, as in the case of the demonstration map).
So this is a really high-stakes case--and although the court may protect the GOP against the downside risks, the AL argument actually does create some severe downside risks for the GOP elsewhere, especially in metropolitan TX/GA
By the traditional standards of compactness, there should pretty clearly be additional minority-majority CDs in Cobb County and DFW, for example. The arguments the GOP is putting forward in Alabama would clearly argue for some additional minority-majority CDs there
Whatever you think of the status quo, the more ambiguous interpretation of compactness in Gingles to this point does make it somewhat easier for the GOP to justify something like the old TX-33 (or its current equivalent which i haven't committed to memory yet)
Anyway, this is a really high stakes case--and it would be quite a bit of a gamble for the GOP, at least if they didn't think the house--ie the court--was on their side
And while the house may be on their side, I do think conservative lawyers still have their work cut out for them--protecting the gerrymander in TX/GA while arguing for a higher compactness standard in AL is going to be a narrow needle to thread, and it'll take some craftiness
Ultimately, the GOP goal will be to get to the point where the only operative standard is the bar on retrogression. It's tricky to get to that point--and this court probably wants to help them get there--but it will be a challenge, and the AL brief alone doesn't get them there
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
The economic numbers last week were great. He can get a Supreme Court justice win. It's only up from here for his legislative agenda after BBB/FTPA. COVID numbers are plummeting, and there's an opening for Biden to lead the way back to normalcy--which was always his core pitch
Of course, you could have said some version of this case several times over the last year. It's not hard to imagine how events might get in the way, as they have already. But there's an obvious path to better numbers from here
Heading into today's NC ruling, I had assumed that a pro-Democratic ruling would probably add two Democratic-leaning CDs--one in Greensboro, the other in the rural northeastern part of the state.
But based on this decision, the Democrats have more upside
The decision doesn't, say, order the GOP to uncrack Greensboro/Black areas of northeast NC.
Instead, it asks Republicans to rely on various statistical measures, like mean-median/efficiency gap, to determine the fairness of the plan.
A map like this one--with two additional Democratic-leaning CDs--would still leave the GOP with a 9-5 edge, an R+11 efficiency gap, and a huge 10 net-pt mean-median gap
I'm seeing a fair amount of fighting over this tweet. Whether it's right depends on the meaning of 'very substantial,' ofc, and it's hard to assign probabilities to a lot of this
But it is at least a real possibility at this point.
Let's work through it
Let's start by penciling in the likely-conservative outcome in every state but PA, NC, OH, FL, AL (I say conservative bc I'll assume, say, a 1-1 split in NH).
If you do that, you get 190 seats that voted more for Biden than the US.
To get 218, Dems need 28 more Dem-tilting seats from PA, NC, OH, FL and AL. In each of these states, there's a realistic 'bad' and 'good' option for Democrats
Over at the Morning, @DLeonhardt is going back and forth a bit with @paulkrugman about why consumer confidence is low, despite a growing economy.
They have two theories; I'll add a third
Krugman notes the inflation numbers aren't *so* bad that it should mean consumer confidence is *this* low.
I do agree with that premise.
If you fit a quick model of consumer confidence as a function of inflation, gdp, income, and unemployment, you'd guess that consumer confidence should be 10-15 points higher or so, depending on model specification. A fairly large gap (truth is red; est is black)
The galaxy brain version of popularism would say liberalism's biggest challenge is that it's no longer especially democratic in a deeper, Dewey-ian sort of way
For all the talk about illiberal democracy, there's a lot to be said for 'undemocratic liberalism' as a challenge in America today--from both the left and the right's point of view.
The left's fear of undemocratic liberalism is fairly obvious, since it's about democratic institutions: they worry about minority rule, subversion, suppression and so on somewhat more than they worry about an end to the First Amendment or something
I think this is true, but to me the more surprising phenomenon of the last year is how... long it has taken for Democrats and progressives to readjust their expectations
This last line here--about an inability to acknowledge that there were real limitations--really resonates with my experiences and I have to say that it caught me by surprise
One maybe related phenomenon is the growing alignment between ideology and what I'll call the pragmatism-v-idealism dimension of politics among Democrats, which has really taken off since '15 or so