What we’re seeing now in Eastern Ukraine — suspicious explosions, organized evacuation of residents to Russia — does not have to mean war.
But war now feels a lot closer at hand than it did yesterday.
I’m not going to get into the business of parsing out the likelihood of possible scenarios. Not my skill set.
And I stand by my longstanding analysis that the institutions and incentives of Putin’s power augur against war. But as with any analysis, there’s a margin of error.
Errors of analysis happen. When they do, it’s important to be honest about them, and to figure out where the analysis went wrong.
In this case — and with the caveat that the analysis isn’t wrong *yet* — I have to wonder about whether I’ve underestimated the degree of change in the Russian regime.
A technical point: when I say regime, I refer to the rules and institutions that govern the exercise of power. This is separate from the government and the state.
The Kremlin’s approach to the opposition, to independent media and civil society, and to the management of elex has been gradually tightening ever since Putin came to power in 2000. Repression is not new.
But a lot of analysts — myself included — have begun to feel that the last 2 years have brought a qualitative change. Indeed, last years’s Duma elex were the most repressive Russia has seen post-91.
There is thus an argument to be made that the Russian regime (in the sense defined above) has shifted from a hybrid-authoritarian one, with a degree of contestation, to a regime in which coercion is much more central to the exercise of power.
If that’s true, then assumptions about the likelihood of war may not hold, if they were based on an earlier configuration of the regime.
For the most part, I think they do still hold, because despite the rise of coercion Putin still doesn’t have the apparatus necessary to govern in the widespread absence of public support.
But I’m forced to wonder whether a reconfiguration of violence domestically opens the door for a reconfiguration of violence internationally. I don’t yet have a good theoretical reason to believe that it does, but I don’t have a good reason to rule it out, either.
/END (for now)
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(1) Recognizing DPR/LPR means a loss of leverage for Moscow over Kyiv. It kills the Minsk process and allows Kyiv to draw a (temporary) line under the conflict and move on.
(2) War means a loss of control. Up until this moment, Putin has had maximal control: he could turn up or down the temperature as he saw fit. Once the shooting starts, he loses that control -- at least in part.
(3) Given (1) and (2) above, I my best guess is that Putin will stop at the current line of control and try to hold things there, in order to avoid escalation -- but he'll leave open the possibility of pushing further, in order to keep the pressure on.
I'll leave the causal analysis for another moment, but the outcome is clear enough: (1) Recognition of DPR/LPR; (2) Formal insertion of Russian troops; (3) Likely attempt to expand borders.
Immediate unanswered questions: (1) How far will they push beyond the current line of control? (2) Will Ukraine fight along the current LoC, or at some distance from it? (3) Will Biden push the full package of sanctions immediately?
While nationalists and communists are pushing for regime change in Kyiv, the establishment consensus seems to be for an expanded DPR/LPR -- something like at the borders of the Donetsk & Luhansk oblasts.
This truth upsets Washington's sense of its own geopolitical primacy, and Brussels' sense of its own geopolitical non-zero-sum-ness.
It also complicates the "just stop expanding NATO" line, because stopping NATO won't make the problem go away.
It's worth remembering that Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine was sparked *by a trade treaty*, not by a near- or even mid-term threat of NATO expansion.
And no, the EU is not a back door to NATO. If anything, the NATO is a back door to the EU, which is much, much harder to join.
TL;DR: This can be real and mod quite what it seems at the same time. gov.uk/government/new…
First, I’m always skeptical of anything that comes from intelligence services, not because I think intelligence services are evil or prone to lie, but because such stories are inherently unverifiable. I don’t like data I can’t verify.
However, skepticism ≠ rejection, and unverifiable ≠ unreliable. It just means we need to ask questions.
And there we have it: Russia apparently resolves to undertake a formal intervention to prop up an incumbent government in the FSU. If this goes ahead, it will be a first.
Yes, Russia intervened to prop up Lukashenka, but not formally — and not this overtly. Russia also intervened in Georgia, Moldova, Karabakh and Tajikistan in the early 1990s, but under very diffident circumstances.
If this does run through the CSTO, it will be interesting to see how many of Russia’s CSTO allies contribute troops — Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
(2) People who are experts on other countries -- say, Russia, Ukraine or Belarus -- may have smart and thoughtful things to say, but that doesn't make them experts on Kazakhstan.
(3) Comparisons to other countries -- Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, etc -- can be instructive and enlightening, but they need to be structured in order to be useful. We need to know what we're comparing and why, if we want to use the comparison wisely.