<THREAD>What does raising the alert level of Russian nuclear forces entail?

Russian nuclear forces can be divided into strategic (which can reach the US) and nonstrategic (which can't.) I'm looking to see whether strategic forces, nonstrategic forces, or both are alerted. (1/n)
Day to day, Russian nonstrategic warheads are kept separate from delivery systems in "centralized" storage (an organizational not a geographic term).

A first step to prepare these warhead for use would be to move them to the sites where the delivery systems are located. (2/n)
Some strategic delivery systems--silo-based ICBMs and SSBNs at sea--are kept ready for use with minimal preparations. Russia may be able to send additional SSBNs to sea. (3/n)
Russia's road-mobile ICBMs are not survivable when in their garrisons, but are highly survivable when dispersed (likely more survivable than SSBNs). So, these would likely be dispersed as part of any alert of strategic forces. (4/n)
Warheads are not mated to strategic bombers on a day-to-day basis, but they are located on-site. It is possible that warheads could be loaded on these aircraft. Even more aggressively, aircraft could be placed on airborne alert. (5/n)
There could well be numerous changes to other aspects of Russia's nuclear posture: more troops called up, airborne command-and-control aircraft alerted, security as bases increased. (6/n)
I'm looking for which forces are alerted (strategic forces=clear signal to US; nonstrategic forces=more directed at Ukraine). And how far the alert proceeds. (7/n)
The basic idea here is clearly to scare "the West" into backing down. But part the danger here is that it's not clear to me Putin has a clear de-escalation pathway in mind (except for the capitulation of Ukraine). (8/n)
It's difficult for the West to create an de-escalation pathway; much presumably depends on how Putin view's the domestic consequences of his backing down--something over which the West has no control. (9/n)
But we can at least reduce the costs to his backing down by making it clear that the most punishing sanctions--central bank and SWIFT--will be lifted if the status quo ante is restored. (10/n)
I encourage others to think creatively now about other elements of a potential off-ramp for Russia. To be sure, it's unsavory to think about providing inducements to Putin for backing down while Ukrainians are being slaughtered. (11/n)
However, Ukraine and Russia are now reportedly engaged in negotiations. We can strengthen Ukraine's hand in negotiations by making the consequences of a deal more attractive for Russia. (12/12)

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More from @james_acton32

Feb 28
<THREAD>On Sunday, Putin ordered Russia's "deterrence forces" to be placed on "high combat alert." So far, the U.S. has not observed any change to Russia's nuclear force posture. What does this mean? (1/n)
First off, the lack of change is a Good Thing! It doesn't alter the fact Putin made an explicit nuclear threat on Sunday, but it does dial down the aggressiveness somewhat. (2/n)
I had been expecting some observable change to Russia's nuclear force posture. Two Russian analysis I respect, @russianforces and @KomissarWhipla, suggested the changes would solely be to nuclear command and control.

They are right... so far. (3/n)
Read 5 tweets
Feb 25
<THREAD>Why nuclear power plant accidents probably become significantly more likely in a war--the danger of a "common mode" failure at Ukraine's reactors.

Some wonk-ish thoughts to add to my analysis yesterday. (1/n)

carnegieendowment.org/2022/02/24/mos…
Nuclear safety relies on defense in depth--multiple safety systems have to go wrong for an accident to occur.

The thinking here is that if a system fails only rarely, and its backup also fails only rarely, the the likelihood of both failing at the same time is very small. (2/n)
The problem with this logic is that in a war, failure probabilities are unlikely to be independent, i.e. the conditions that lead to one system's failure could lead to the failure of its back-up too. This is called a common-mode failure.

Here's an example.

(3/n)
Read 9 tweets
Feb 15
I forgot to post the answer.

In 1983, U.S. nuclear weapons were apparently stored at a staggering **108 sites** in Europe. I had no idea...

I read it in a 1983 article by Des Ball, who cites a @PhillyInquirer (!) story.

Well, I admit, I was skeptical, but.. Image
...@CarnegieEndow's fantastic library staff chased down the article, which is based on an on-the-record interview with a U.S. official, Rich Wagner (who, as it happens, met professionally a few years back). So I think it's a solid number.
I meant to post a screenshot of the article. Here it is: Image
Read 4 tweets
Jan 26
According to @WSJ, the U.S. has given Russia a list of arms control proposals that could be part of a way to defuse the Ukraine crisis.

Could this work? How, specifically, could arms control help?

A thread. (1/n)

wsj.com/articles/u-s-d…
Let's acknowledge from the outset that for arms control to help, Putin has to want to defuse the crisis. I have no idea whether he does.

But *if* he does, I think arms control can help to address various Russian *and* U.S./Russian/NATO security concerns. (2/n)
It's not clear from the @wsj report exactly what was in the U.S. proposal. The WSJ mentions the Biden admin has given consideration to a reciprocal scale-back of military exercises and new rules governing the back sea.

But I'll focus here on three proposals.

(3/n)
Read 11 tweets
Nov 3, 2021
<THRAED>My main reaction to CMPR...

I think it's quite likely that China will restart fissile material production--but I am NOT convinced by the argument in CMPR that it has already decided to do so.

media.defense.gov/2021/Nov/03/20…

(1/n) Image
China is believed to have ceased production of missile material for weapons, but it has never declared a formal cut-off. Presumably, it wants the option to restart production. And, given other developments, no-one should be surprised if it exercises that option.

BUT... (2/n)
I'm somewhat skeptical that China's fast reactor program is--today, at least--intended to produce plutonium for weapons. It requires China to master two difficult technologies: operating fast reactors and reprocessing oxide fuel. (Fuel fabrication may not be simple either). (3/n)
Read 7 tweets
Oct 25, 2021
<*Really* wonky THREAD>Did China's recent test of a probable gliding orbital nuclear weapon catch the U.S. by surprise, as @HudsonInstitute and others claim?

I think NO. I suspect the U.S. IC has been monitoring the development of the glider since 2014--if not earlier. (1/n)
Back in Jan 2014, reports started to surface that China had begin testing of a glider, first called Wu-14 (a U.S. label) and subsequently DF-ZF (a Chinese one). (2/n)

freebeacon.com/national-secur…
At least seven tests between January 2014 and April 2016 are known based on notifications China released to warn aviators. It's quite possible there were more tests. (3/n)

carnegieendowment.org/files/Acton_Te…
Read 14 tweets

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