<*Really* wonky THREAD>Did China's recent test of a probable gliding orbital nuclear weapon catch the U.S. by surprise, as @HudsonInstitute and others claim?

I think NO. I suspect the U.S. IC has been monitoring the development of the glider since 2014--if not earlier. (1/n)
Back in Jan 2014, reports started to surface that China had begin testing of a glider, first called Wu-14 (a U.S. label) and subsequently DF-ZF (a Chinese one). (2/n)

freebeacon.com/national-secur…
At least seven tests between January 2014 and April 2016 are known based on notifications China released to warn aviators. It's quite possible there were more tests. (3/n)

carnegieendowment.org/files/Acton_Te…
Note the ranges of all these tests were fairly short--maximum of 2,100 km. At the time, I made two assumptions: (i) all tests were of the same weapon; and (ii) the weapon was an intermediate-range glider. (4/n)
In 2017, @nktpnd reported tests of an intermediate-range (or medium-range depending on definitions) glider, DF-17, with an estimated range of 1,800 to 2,500 km.

So I assumed that the DF-17 was a weaponized version of the DF-ZF. (5/n)

thediplomat.com/2017/12/introd…
Then, in October 2019, China exhibited the DF-17 at a military parade and I stopped thinking much about the publicly available testing history of China's gliders. (6/n)

washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/…
The recent test of China's probable gliding orbital weapon has made me rethink. I now think that THIS weapon (the orbital one) was the Wu-14/DF-ZF and that the DF-17 (tested ~2017) has a different lineage. (7/n)
Here's the smoking gun--or at least the UDMH-enveloped missile body. These photos are from debris taken after China's August 2014 DF-ZF test (which probably failed).

The booster (a Long March) is derived from the DF-5 ICBM.

armscontrolwonk.com/archive/207443… (8/n)
This booster is totally different from the much smaller and less powerful one used for the DF-17. Which suggests that the DF-ZF actually travels significantly faster than the DF-17.

Which makes me think that the Wu-14/DF-ZF is the glider for the new orbital system. (9/n)
But, if the Wu-14/DF-ZF is part of an intercontinental system was it tested over a shorter distance?

Two possible answers:

(1) We don't yet know how far the glider flew by itself in China's recent tests--so maybe it didn't fly that much further than the 2014-2016 tests. (1/n)
(2) Maybe China ran out of room to conduct a longer test because the technology wasn't up to flying loops and it didn't want to test beyond its borders (at least until the orbital system was ready).

(Big H/T to @Joshua_Pollack for this point.)

(11/n)

armscontrolwonk.com/archive/207443…
In short, I think tests of China's probable gliding orbital weapon have been reported for over 7 years--but we (ahem, me) didn't realize what was being tested.

We've had some other hints, though, from USG about what was in the pipeline. (12/n)
In Feb 2020, Gen. O'Shaughnessy mentioned an intercontinental Chinese glider and compared it to Avangard.

Now Avangard is an ICBM armed with a glider--so it's a bit different from the Chinese gliding orbital system. (13/n)

armed-services.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/…
So it's not totally clear that O'Shaughnessy was referring to the gliding orbit weapon. There's various possibilities here, but I wouldn't be surprised if China soon tests an ICBM armed with a glider--perhaps the same glider used in the probable orbital weapon. (14/14)

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More from @james_acton32

18 Oct
<THREAD>The @FT reported that China tested a gliding fractional orbital bombardment (G-FOBS) system in August.

Did it actually happen? And, if it did, why does China want this technology and what are the implications?

(1/n)

ft.com/content/ba0a3c…
China has denied that the test was of a G-FOBS system, instead claiming it was a routine test of a reusable space vehicle.

I don't recall a similar Chinese denial before. It's striking.

(2/n)
Personally, I'm open to both possibilities. Perhaps the denial is untrue and a G-FOBS test really did occur. Perhaps, the @FT report (which, frankly, was pretty confused) was wrong.

¯\_(ツ)_/¯

(3/n)
Read 9 tweets
15 Sep
I've been saying all day that it's about the precedent not Australia. But, if Australia wants to be transparent, I have some questions:

1. Will the reactors be fueled by low enriched uranium or highly enriched uranium?

(1/n)
2. How will Australia acquire the material? Domestic enrichment? Purchase?

3. Who will supply the fuel? Or will it be fabricated domestically?

4. At what point will IAEA safeguards on the reactor fuel be terminated? And reinstated?

(2/n)
5. Does the Australian government accept that removing nuclear material from safeguards will set a bad precedent, even if it believes that the benefits to Australia of doing so outweigh the risks? If so, what it will do to mitigate this precedent?
Read 5 tweets
15 Sep
If it's true that the US and the UK are going to help Australia to acquire nuclear submarine technology, they are making a significant mistake.

It will create serious proliferation risk down the line. (1/n)

afr.com/politics/feder…
I'm NOT particularly concerned that Australia will acquire nuclear weapons. I AM concerned that other states will use this precedent to exploit a serious potential loophole in the global nonproliferation regime. (2/n)
Because non-nuclear weapon states are not prohibited by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty from acquiring nuclear-powered submarines, IAEA safeguards permit them to remove nuclear material from safeguards for "non-proscribed military activity." (3/n)

iaea.org/sites/default/…
Read 11 tweets
27 Jul
<THREAD>@nukestrat and @mattkorda have discovered ~110 new Chinese silos, bringing the total to 230.

In my opinion, this reinforces the shell game hypothesis--the idea that only some of the silos will have ICBMs in.

nytimes.com/2021/07/26/us/…
(1/n)
The shell game idea was originally developed--but never implemented--in the Cold War by the US, which planned to hide 200 ICBMs in 4,600 silos (seriously!) to complicate Soviet efforts to destroy them preemptively. (2/n)

washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/…
.@DeptofDefense assesses that China's current "operational warhead stockpile" is in the low 200s and that China has enough fissile material on hand to double its warhead stockpile. (3/n)

media.defense.gov/2020/Sep/01/20…
Read 13 tweets
30 Jun
China is building more than 100 new ICBM silos--a major discovery by @ArmsControlWonk and @dex_eve and reported by @JobyWarrick.

My working hypothesis (as mentioned in article) is that China will deploy much fewer than 100 new missiles. (1/n)

washingtonpost.com/national-secur…
Essentially, I suspect that China will seek to hide a relatively small number of real ICBMs in a much larger number of silos and dummy ICBMs--a form of "shell game" intended to complicate U.S. efforts to destroy China's nuclear forces. (2/n)
This scheme was originally developed in the Carter administration for the MX missile. The US planned to build 4,600 (not a typo!) shelters to hide 200 ICBMs. Ultimately, the Reagan administration changed plans, largely for reasons of domestic politics. (3/n)
Read 13 tweets
16 Jun
Let's do math on the Taishan fuel leak!

Chinese authorities estimate that around five fuel rods have leaked, but basically says this is unremarkable. No biggie.

But, actually, this many rods leaking is very unusual. Let's work out how unusual. (1/n)

world-nuclear-news.org/Articles/Fuel-…
China's nuclear regulator, NNSA (NOT the same organization as @NNSANews), says the reactor contains more than 60,000 fuel rods. Based on the following IAEA doc, I believe the exact number is 63,865. (241 assemblies, each containing 265 rods). (2/n)

aris.iaea.org/PDF/EPR.pdf
Now, the @W_Nuclear_News article linked above cites the @iaeaorg as saying that there are ~14 leaks per 1,000,000 rods. (3/n)
Read 8 tweets

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