Thread: My paper on revisiting income inequality in the USA is now online at the Economic Journal @RoyalEconSoc. Let me explain why it matters here. But first, just look at this graph which summarizes it all

doi.org/10.1093/ej/uea… #econtwitter #econhist #inequality #Economics
1) In the paper, we find that the estimates of income inequality in the US over the 20th century suffer from three massive flaws pre-1960.
2) First, because there are so few tax filers in the early years, some adjustments have to be made to get a steady share of the top fractiles. However, the adjustment used by Piketty and Saez was based on ratios of married to unmarried filers in 1942...
3) The problem is that 1942 was a war year marked by labour market disruptions caused by the massive enlistment of single and military-age men. It is therefore unlikely that the 1942 ratio accurately reflects the tax filing conditions of the previous two
decades
4) Second, Piketty and Saez make an adjustment for deductions because the IRS was reporting only net income pre-1943. However, these adjustments are fixed proportions with arbitrary year-changes. In spite of the fact that there are sufficient data to create deductions straight-up
5) To estimate top incomes as a share of all income, Piketty and Saez created a measure of all incomes compatible with tax data. However, the assumption they use was too conservative and was also fixed. The result was that it underestimated total income on avrage.
6) This is in spite of the fact that data exists since the 1950s and 1960s to create "tax reconciled" measures of total income (thanks to Selma Goldsmith).
7) So, we went about correcting all of these flaws. And they matter a lot. Here is a breakdown for selected years. In total, they knock off between 15% and 20% of the estimated inequality levels. That is *not* trivial.
8) The second implication is related to the "Great Leveling" (term borrowed from the great Jeffrey Williamson and the amazing Peter Lindert -- two econs I admire immensely). In the Piketty and Saez story, the War and the tax reforms that came during it caused inequality decline
9) With our data, the tax changes of the war are much smaller. In fact, a sizable most of the wartime fall in inequality in Piketty and Saez was a result of a typo in their file and an arbitrary income definition change.
10) Our data shows that the Great Depression was a much stronger leveller than the tax policy changes.
11) We had already hinted at that in an earlier article in Economic Inquiry where we used state-income taxes with richer datasets to assess reliability of IRS-federal data. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.111…
12) So, not only do we find lower inequality level and a much smaller role for tax policy, we can also connect with the work of economists like Splinter and Auten (heroes in my opinion)
13) Indeed, they found that there was a much smaller inequality increase from 1960 to today. Connecting theirs to ours suggests that there is no strong "U-curve" of inequality. Instead there is a "Tea-saucer" (which U-ish shaped if you want) of inequality in the US.
14) This is rife with implications because it changes our reading of American econ history. It de-emphasizes tax policy and points to other forces (which I have called elsewhere "mundane" because it is simply price-theory stuff like capital/labor mobility) books.google.ca/books?hl=en&lr…
15) This was long and arduous. I am proud of this work that started in 2016 and I hope you will share this widely.

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More from @VincentGeloso

May 18, 2021
Econ Thread: My paper on the strange experiment of playing card money in 17th-18th centuries Canada (image below) with Bryan Cutsinger and Mathieu Bédard was accepted in the European Review of Economic History #econhist #econtwitter Image
This is a *very* strange monetary experiment in economic history. The governor of the colony printed money on the back of playing cards to finance expenditures when he ran out of coins. The "notes" were backed by incoming coin shipments.
Yet, and this might interest @JohnHCochrane because of the fiscal theory of the price level implications, there was no inflation in spite of massive overissues.
Read 13 tweets
Oct 21, 2020
Thread: Now forthcoming in Public Choice: how rent-seeking explains asylum expansion in America between 1870 and 1910 (co-authored with Ray March). #econhist #econtwitter

papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
Few people know that the asylums in American asylums expanded 10x in terms of absolute numbers and close to 4x in per capita terms between 1870 and 1910.
Most works in social history attribute this to broadly defined contemporary understandings of public interest (some of which are less savoury than others). Very few works have tried to see if there was a rent-seeking component. Ray and I argue there was one!
Read 15 tweets
Oct 20, 2020
Given the massive drop in JOE listings on the econ JM, here is some source of hope: if you are a candidate that goes into the private sector this year and you apply to return to academia next year, I will take that as a strong signal of your commitment to research #econtwitter
Last year, I did the job market interviews for my university (@kingsatwestern) and it was painful because I had to say "no" to very decent candidates. One of the main deciding factors for us was the commitment to research and teaching abilities.
Sorting research potential is *particularly* hard and so we looked for signals regarding persistence of efforts in the future. Personally, if somebody accepted a job during the market in the private sector and then tried to return, I would see that as a strong signal.
Read 6 tweets
Oct 20, 2020
New working paper with @JustinTCallais where we study the allocation of lighthouses in antebellum America. #econhist #econtwitter

papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
People have heavily debated whether markets/states can/need provide public goods. Essentially, people have debated whether public goods are market failures and (if they are) how frequently do these failure happen.
The most frequently used example is that of the lighthouse which has many characteristics that make it a public good (non-excludable and non-rivalrous).
Read 8 tweets
Jul 27, 2020
My friend @CorneliusEcon asked me about how I read all the books I buy (i.e. my "Book Harvests") and here is the short answer: I dont! At least, not immediately. And this is actually how I end up reading them. Weird? Here is a thread on reading and research #econtwitter
1st: Buying books is important -- they are a capital good. Books are, however, unlike other capital goods. They last much much much longer and their depreciation rate is low as hell. If you accumulate them, you create a high stock on which you can produce
2nd: Once I buy a book, I read the TOC and the table of content to memorize what it says "broadly speaking". Then I shelf the book.
Read 11 tweets
Jun 25, 2020
I do not do rant. But, following @TomPhilipson45's resgination from CEA, many people on #econtwitter have taken digs at the acting chair, Tyler Beck Goodspeed. Why? Because his PhD is not in economics and he has few citations. These are cheap shots!
So let me do what I do best which is to simply state some facts about Goodspeed. Obviously, you can dislike his work. You can dislike his politics. You can dislike who he decided to work for. However, his work as an academic is *off-limits* if you want to say he aint an econ
First, if that is your benchmark, get ready to cross out some big names from the field: Roth, Tullock, Kahneman, Ostrom, Herbert Simon, Nash, David Friedman.
Read 11 tweets

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