A quick thread about moral injunctions, imperatives, MiGs, no-fly zones, and the standards for effective judgment.
Overall message: Acting on the basis of imperative-driven thinking, especially under time pressure in a crisis, is a common prelude to disaster
2/ Researching the basis for the US decision to invade Iraq, I was struck by the powerful sense of urgency, the need to act almost regardless of consequences, that drove senior officials. This skewed the whole decision process publicaffairsbooks.com/titles/michael…
3/ Looking more widely I found this to be a common problem: Decision makers so driven by urgent imperatives that they stopped taking outcomes seriously. They became "indifferent to consequences"; what they "had" to do overwhelmed any real risk assessment link.springer.com/book/10.1007/9…
4/ You get to a point in Vietnam, for example, where LBJ admits that "there ain't no daylight"--but nonetheless concludes that "I guess we've got no choice," and he plunges ahead w/escalation. Approving one troop increase, he said: "My answer is yes. But my judgment is no."
5/ McGeorge Bundy later admitted that he "did not even consider it necessary to posit a precise military objective for the escalation he was advocating." Why would he, when further escalation--in service of anti-communism, credibility, "winning"--was such an obvious imperative
6/ That's the whole judgment trap of urgency. Decision makers are no longer looking for the option that produces the best result relative to their goals. They become locked in a perception that one action is required, and thought closes down
7/ This pattern of "imperative driven thinking" is littered all over the transcripts, records, + memos of groups marching righteously toward disaster. Iraq 2003. Vietnam 1964-5. Market Garden 1944. Moscow + Afghanistan, 1979. CEOs of financial firms bounding into CDOs pre-2008
8/ I would guess we'll someday discover that similar imperative-driven mindsets prevailed among Putin + his cronies before this war. Believing Ukraine--and their dream of Russia as a great power--were sliding away. Concluding they *had to act* regardless of the consequences
9/ Once an imperative clicks into place, dissent is marginalized. One common term, as I heard from the Iraq case again + again, is, "You just don't get it." This has to happen, dissenters would be told; their worries were silly, foolish, morally repugnant
10/ As we confront the need to aid Ukraine in every responsible way possible, it is tempting to get caught up into imperative-driven thinking of our own. It feeds our sense of moral worth. It simplifies a hugely complex problem: "Stop thinking; we just *have* to do X or Y"
11/ But abandoning a focus on risks, consequences, + outcomes is a guaranteed avenue to bad judgment, and possibly disaster. Falling into this trap out of a very real + legitimate urge to do as much as we can to relieve suffering would not benefit anyone, least of all Ukraine
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In midst of Ukraine tragedy, the ROK presidential election isn't getting much attention--but the outcome may portend notable shifts in Seoul's foreign policy, accelerating the regional alignment of democracies + partners already underway foreignaffairs.com/articles/south…
Many uncertainties: Candidates say things elected presidents sometimes ignore; constraints on resources + time; parliamentary obstacles. But the agenda Yoon laid out points to a "deeper," "comprehensive" alliance w/US, coop w/China but tougher stance ... voanews.com/a/south-korean…
... more active role in promoting free + open Indo-Pacific, improved ties w/Japan. Combined w/ongoing trends in Japan, Australia, India + other, this will strengthen the regional grouping willing to push back vs PRC and collaborate on multilateral security initiatives
Agreed--a dangerous proposal, offering no compelling reason why escalation would be controlled. Much like the open letters calling for unseating Saddam in 2002-2003: An understandable, well-intentioned, but poorly thought-through appeal
2/ Partly the issue is that NFZ's typically *do not work* to achieve their humanitarian goals. Air power often isn't the major threat to civilians. Even if it is, the aggressor can pivot and rely more on ground forces, missile strikes, other means warontherocks.com/2022/03/the-da…
3/ "Operations to protect civilians during war are often much costlier and carry much greater risk than anticipated. No-fly zones ... seldom provide substantial protection to civilians without additional and significant military efforts on the ground" tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
The argument for increasing clamp-down on energy, given the callous nature of Russian operations, is persuasive. But I'm increasingly worried about a historical parallel which, while imperfect/many differences, offers tremendous reason for worry: Japan 1941 [THREAD]
2/ Spent the last 2 days (re)reading two superb accounts of the road to war in 1940-1941. One = Eri Hotta's "Japan 1941," which has to be one of the best accounts of a nation's decision for war ever written. Worrisome parallels to Russia today, including: penguinrandomhouse.com/books/203635/j…
3/ --Country infuriated by sense of being discriminated against by a US-led int'l order
--Rise of anti-Western hyper-nationalism, including some sr officials
--Aggression (v. China) undertaken w/wishful thinking + vague sense of goals which triggers condemnation + sanctions
I get the signaling value of more defense $. But w/ (1) Russia possibly facing an extended COIN war, (2) having suffered significant losses, (3) showing much less capacity for large scale warfare than we assumed, and (4) EU bolstering its own budgets ... breakingdefense.com/2022/03/no-dou…
2/ ... it's hard to see the argument that the Russian threat to Europe is operationally *greater* than before in a way that demands a bigger budget. If anything, now and for several years, the objective Russian operational threat is likely to decline
3/ The Russian military on display seems less capable of rushing through the Baltics, or Poland, than we thought. @KofmanMichael and others have rightly warned about tilting too far in the other direction. But this isn't an urgent crisis of mil. power warontherocks.com/2021/11/feedin…
The shaming of Mearsheimer as a Russian stooge is wrong + dangerous. But this interview does illustrate another point: His theory, and especially its application to specific cases, is totally incoherent when it gets beyond the most generic truisms THREAD newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/w…
2/ For one thing, the dialogue w/@IChotiner shows how Mearsh's perspective simply can't incorporate normative issues. Chotiner keeps trying to distinguish great power machinations from legitimate Ukrainian aspirations; Mearsheimer can only see it via great power interests lens
3/ More broadly, a consistent problem w/offensive realism is its refusal to accept the role of norms and institutions, despite ample evidence of their real-world effect. Mearsh. can't explain the global normative reaction to this invasion belfercenter.org/publication/in…
100% right. This is an understandable emotion but not a considered policy position. Publicly taking that stance = zero incentive for compromise from Putin or anyone close to him, creating the most dangerous possible situation
Remember what McNamara learned from Castro about the Cuban missile crisis in 1992: In the event of a US invasion, Castro was prepared to endorse the use of nuclear weapons even though he knew the Cuban people would "disappear" armscontrol.org/act/2002-11/fe…
Embracing regime change would also shift the narrative in wholly self-destructive ways. Potential to fragment global consensus vs Russia. W/in Russia, it would endorse Putin's lie that this is all a necessary response to Western aggression + potentially boost his support