3/23 Back on 1 March, I described how the Ukrainian military high command – among their many other priorities - will be keeping an eye on its western border regions. smh.com.au/world/europe/t…
4/23 In the last week, the Russians fired long range missiles from aircraft to attack targets in and around the western cities of Lutsk, Lviv and Ivano-Frankivsk. edition.cnn.com/2022/03/13/eur…
5/23 The Russian strikes on these western cities demonstrate that the Russians understand why the west matters to both the Ukrainians and for their own military campaign.
6/23 First, western Ukraine is key to the delivery of western aid & influx of foreign volunteers. Ukraine has western land borders with Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Moldova. There are multiple land crossing points for this purpose. (Image - Britannica.com)
7/23 The western parts of Ukraine are also the locations of most refugee camps, and are thus an important locus of non-government agency support and the outflow of distressed Ukrainians seeking shelter beyond their country’s borders.
8/23 Western Ukraine is a strategic bastion for Ukraine’s military. It is a place where it can reconstitute military forces and train new ones out of the immediate heat of battle, and beyond the reach of most (but not all) Russian strike systems.
9/23 Finally, it is the most likely place from which any future insurgency might be based. There are multiple scenarios for this, explored in this @CSIS study. It might also include support bases as far west as the Carpathian Mountains. csis.org/analysis/scena…
10/23 Eventually the Russians might seek to interfere with these western supply lines in a more substantial way than the limited attacks we have observed so far. What are their options for doing so?
11/23 Option 1 is the Russians continuing a low-level campaign of ‘trickle bombing’ different sites in the west. They might launch missiles every few days at key military targets in the west, but this would largely be a nuisance more than a real threat.
12/23 And as we saw from the western reactions after last week’s attacks in the west, this approach is unlikely to halt the in-flow of aid and western volunteers. Other than limited psychological impacts, it is militarily limited in outcomes.
13/23 Option 2 is the Russians attempting a more robust air campaign against key military targets and supply lines in the west. The Russian Air Force, which is now undertaking around 200 sorties per day, still has significant underutilised capacity.
14/23 As this report notes, it has an inventory of hundreds of multirole aircraft and bombers with which it might undertake such missions. Not all might be described as leading edge, and would be vulnerable to anti-aircraft systems. static.rusi.org/russian_and_ch…
15/23 And given the observed limitations on the Russians conducting large scale air operations so far, this is a low probability option.
16/23 Option 3 is the Russians using Spetznaz troops and other intelligence organisations in a campaign of sabotage at key weapons, logistics supply and trans-shipment bases in western Ukraine.
17/23 Such an approach might also be expanded into eastern European locations where western aid is stockpiled before it is shipped into Ukraine. The Russians have done this before, in the Czech Republic and Bulgaria. euractiv.com/section/politi…
18/23 Countries such as Poland are already preparing for such acts of sabotage by the Russians. abc.net.au/news/2022-03-0…
19/23 A 4th option for the Russians might be a ground operation in the west of Ukraine. This would require support from Belarus. Although whether Belarus would provide ground troops for such a campaign is doubtful. atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/belarusa…
20/23 Opening up another large axis of advance on the ground would over tax an already stretched Russian force in Ukraine. With over half of all its regular ground combat forces committed to their invasion, the Russians are unlikely to be able to undertake such a mission.
21/23 Therefore, the most probable course of action for the Russians, should they wish to focus more on the western regions of Ukraine, is a campaign of sabotage there and potentially in countries such as Poland.
22/23 Noting this, and given all the other demands on their forces, western Ukraine will likely remain an ‘economy of force’ mission for the Ukrainians. They will continue to commit the minimum forces required to deter Russian attacks in the west.
23/23 The west is a key part of Ukraine’s defensive strategy. It is vital for the flow of aid, and a bastion for their military. While the Russians appreciate the importance of the west, they currently have limited capacity for major attacks there. End. (Image - @IAPonomarenko)
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Russia's President needs a story line that preserves his Presidency, relaxes sanctions on his country & gives the appearance that Ukraine bore some success for Russia. In lieu of my normal longer thread, one based on my analysis in today’s @smh | 1/12 smh.com.au/national/putin…
2/12 More than 3 weeks into their invasion of Ukraine, Russia is yet to achieve its key military objectives in the north, east or south. But as President Putin made clear in his speeches in the past 48 hours, he still wants to claim victory. edition.cnn.com/2022/03/18/eur…
3/12 Even if his victory doesn’t look one to the rest of us. As @MaxBoot writes, “if Putin wants to avoid a quagmire, sooner or later he will need to moderate his maximalist objectives & end this evil war. The only sensible way out is to accept defeat while calling it a victory.”
Three weeks since the Russian invasion of Ukraine began. The Battle for Kyiv is the focus of this thread. A caveat – it is not certain the Russians are capable of surrounding, attacking or seizing Kyiv. 1/25 kyivindependent.com/national/russi…
3/25 Russia has not achieved its key military objectives in the north, east of south. It has committed all the military forces it had for Ukraine on these missions. As I noted two days ago, the Russian campaign, if it has not already, is about to culminate. Image - @UAWeapons
Day 20 of the Russian invasion of #Ukraine. Today I examine chemical weapons, why the Russians might use them and what the implications of any potential use might be. Warning – disturbing material ahead. 1/25 (Image – New Yorker)
3/25 In November 1989, as a new and inexperienced Lieutenant in the Australian Army, I attended a training course at the Sydney-based School of Military Engineering to learn about Nuclear, Biological, Chemical Defence.
Day 19 of the Russian invasion of #Ukraine. Today I examine the implications of Russian personnel commitments and losses, and what this now means for their campaign. 1/25 (Image - @IAPonomarenko)
3/25 Almost a week ago, I explored the Russian campaign, and how it had already absorbed 100% of allocated forces. It is worth revisiting this issue, as we have seen the Russian forces adapt to this reality over the past week.
It is 18 days since the Russian invasion of Ukraine began. Today I explore initial lessons of the Russian military transformation program of the past decade against their military performance in #Ukraine. 1/25 (Image @UAWeapons)
3/25 In March 2017, the Commander of the Russian Armed Forces Valery Gerasimov wrote an article about how the Russian military was being transformed so they could fight "war in modern conditions”. Several parts of the article standout. vpk-news.ru/articles/35591
It is 16 days since the Russian invasion of Ukraine began. Today I will examine the the importance of the adaptation battle in war, and how it is playing out in Ukraine. (Image - BBC)
3/24 It is impossible for the military to anticipate every eventuality in war. There are too many scenarios to accurately predict wartime events. As such, a key virtue for military organizations in war must be adaptability to unexpected events.