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It’s a big edu/policy research conference week (#APPAM2022#ASHE2022#UCEA22) and here’s a short thread on ideological diversity in edu-research and edu-journalism #edchat using the Greene/Heritage studies as a hook
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Some formal edu research/journo communities have tolerated increasingly far-Right stuff for years, in part because of a genuine commitment to multi-perspectives, and also out of fear of being labeled ideological or against free speech themselves
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And in the #edchat journalism space there is some of the notorious #bothsides pressure too, to give voices to the Heritages and Catos if the world.
This is why people like Corey DeAngelis routinely are quoted as expert researchers when they’re really political activists
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The Heritage/Greene studies using methodological tools to “prove” trans kids shouldn’t get hormone therapy, or schools shouldn’t hire DEI staff, or woke is bad for kids, or even that privatizing schools has a sound evidence base…
…that’s not ideological diversity, folks
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What it is is the same kind of stuff as late 19th century pseudo-science used to justify racism, sexism, etc.
It’s also funded like #schoolvouchers activism, as I’ve shown, by election deniers—so it’s anti-democracy too.
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We aren’t talking about ideological differences on, say, whether PD works for teachers or whether carbon taxes help climate change.
Or even what the right edu-response to the pandemic was wrt remote/masks etc.
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We’re talking about giving voice to people who are using their credentials (often Ivy PhDs) to imprint a racist and sexist and anti-democratic agenda with a degree of seriousness and legitimacy.
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I don’t know what the solution is—or even how to fully articulate the problem—but I do know that far-Right #schoolvouchers/woke/anti-DEI researchers like Greene have for years taken advantage of open scholarly communities to legitimize their increasingly hateful work.
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And members of those communities need to be more forceful drawing lines between legitimate multi-sided discourse and tolerating this kind of hateful pseudo-science.
Voucher “empirical” research showing positive academic effects are no less a political tactic than this piece of garbage here—and by the same organizations.
Whitmer actually vetoed the plan originally a year ago. And as early as then, the state GOP didn’t expect to win the #migov (save for a more recent post-primary fever dream) in #Election2022
🧵 1/ For those who haven’t been neck deep in #schoolchoice debates for two decades let me walk you through the evolution of this argument about outcomes—it was driven by #voucher research.
Early 1990s: #schoolchoice is a rising tide that lifts all academic boats!
2/ 1990s cont’d: #vouchers seem to look pretty cool: Cecilia Rouse’s dissertation finds positive test score effects in Milwaukee’s pilot program and so do Jay Greene and Paul Peterson (well, uh, no shock there 🙄)
3/ 2002-04: Maybe not. Peterson-led work finds + effects of a small privately #voucher program, but then Alan Krueger shows they were highly, ahem, sensitive to model/sample choice. (Who are *you* picking as your starting research QB: Peterson or Krueger?) journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.117…
1/ This piece is fine for what it is. What it and others are understating or flat out missing is the link between religious fanaticism and anti-democratic anti-election white supremacism in the school #privatization push nytimes.com/2022/09/01/opi…
2/ To give serious space to people like DeAngelis (a ~30 yo lobbyist-w/PhD) to give “thoughts” is appropriate for what the #vouchers movement is but to quote him intellectually rather than a political actor misses the role rightwing think-tanks have played in election denialism
3/ It’s esp problematic given the only real offset to #DeVos/DeAngelis is Mann himself who’s been dead since 1859 and isn’t even directly quoted at that.