Alexander Graef Profile picture
Nov 6 10 tweets 2 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
A ceasefire in #Ukraine is not a good option, if it freezes the status quo. It would also create a list of new problems that in the long-run could come back to bite. The post-Soviet space is rich of examples. And yet, soon enough, it might become the best among bad options. 1/10
2/10 The main strategic concern of Ukraine and its partners is that Russia would use any ceasefire to replenish its forces, entrench itself and attack again later with greater means and resolve. This concern is not only reasonable but the most likely scenario under Vladimir Putin
3/10 As a result, any ceasefire would require ironclad Western security commitments and long-term, permanent support on a scale similar or even larger than today. Only then, deterrence has a chance to work, while a political process would allow using diplomatic instruments.
4/10 It is obvious that for Ukraine, the territorial question is the most difficult and dangerous. It is also clear that no ceasefire agreement could ever settle this issue. Legal recognition is out of the question. Any possible border zone would always be viewed as temporal.
5/10 Under these conditions, the strategy of Ukraine and partners would be to change the status quo with time, working to create future options. This is a risky strategy, because it requires constant political capital to prevent a frozen conflict or defeat if escalation happens.
6/10 The historical evidence is mixed. Korea comes to mind, but also the GDR, and recently, Nagorno-Karabakh. In any case, unlike Minsk, this would be a process for another generation with highly uncertain outcomes, which is why it is so unattractive as a policy option today.
7/10 In comparison, however, the overall conditions are perhaps better than in most other post-Soviet conflicts: Western interests are much higher, Russian relative power is lower, political experience with these processes and its perils is greater. But it could still fail.
8/10 The real question then is about existing alternatives. Ukraine could only push back decisively on the battlefield, if Western partners were ready to significantly ramp up their current support and take much more risks themselves. Despite all rhetoric, however, they are not.
9/10 The ugly truth is that this war, except by Ukraine obviously, is not viewed as existential. If this does not change soon, time will increasingly become the enemy of Ukraine. This moment has not arrived yet, but sooner or later military and political exhaustion is possible.
10/10 Western states will need to make sure that this does not happen but if decisive territorial gains are impossible, they still need to make Russia to accept that it cannot reasonably hope to gain more than what it controls now. This is the real challenge.

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More from @alxgraef

Apr 11
New Publication: "'Let's forget that #Slovakia is small': @GLOBSEC, Status-Seeking, and Agency in Informal Elite #Networks",
forthcoming in "Agency, #Security and Governance of #Small States", edited by Harlan Koff & Thomas Kolnberger
1/8
routledge.com/Agency-Securit… Image
2/8 I look at #GLOBSEC from the perspective of how "small states" in Central & Eastern Europe set out to improve their positions within the social hierarchy of the Western community after they had joined the EU & NATO. Slovakia is a particularly interesting case for two reasons:
3/8 First, after 1992 it had to cope with two challenges at once, state-building and democratization. Second, the political struggle between the elites in the 1990s (Mečiarism) delayed integration into Western institutions, at least when compared to the other Visegrad members.
Read 8 tweets
Apr 9
Much has been said about Medvedev's increasingly radical rhetoric. Some say he's going with the times, others see it as evidence that his liberalism has always been fake. But there is more to it than that. A🧵 1/14
2/14 About 35 years ago, Medvedev was a law student at Leningrad State University and assistant to his supervisor Anatoly Sobchak. When Sobchak got elected mayor of Leningrad in '90, Medvedev, then in his mid-20s, followed him but remained affiliated with the university.
3/14 Medvedev had actively campaigned for Sobchak's election. He liked the new politics. At the mayor's office, he met Putin, 13 years his senior, who would eventually become his boss. When Putin became Prime Minister in 1999, Medvedev followed him to Moscow.
Read 14 tweets
Mar 5
Worth repeating that the #war against #Ukraine is not about territory, ethnicity or language. It is about both, #Russian identity and power in Europe. Because #Putin sees himself in the realm of loss, he has become risk-seeking. To him, it is not about expanding, but defense 1/6
2/6 This is what Putin meant in 2021, when he argued that "Russia has nowhere to retreat". NATO and EU enlargement (membership and partnership) are about the power to define rules, norms & values, but great power postures depend on the ability to project power where it matters.
3/6 After 2014, Russia kept losing influence in Ukraine, which the Minsk agreement was designed to prevent long term. It didn't. Ukraine's identity had changed irrevocably. Poroshenko and Zelenskiy moved ahead with curbing the Kremlin's power assets in the country.
Read 6 tweets
Aug 25, 2022
The #Russian gov system has been in crisis since 2008/9. The elite has been looking for ways to generate political legitimacy & economic growth but w/o changing the domestic political order & the system of rent distribution. A struggle against decline. An (im)possible task. 1/20
2/ There have been several attempts of reform. In order to stimulate innovation, Putin, similar to Soviet times, decided to tap state resources and strengthen the military-industrial complex. Large conglomerates (Rostec, Rosnano etc) were supposed to enable civilian conversion.
3/ Simultaneously, #Putin deliberately selected Dmitri Medvedev as his successor to open the possibility for political change. But #Medvedev turned out to be a weak leader, who lost essential constituencies on which Putin's system of power depended.
Read 20 tweets
Aug 22, 2022
Critics of #Mearsheimer seem to be more concerned with the moral implications of his argument and the implicit course of alternative action than whether it captures an important (though not the only) part of reality. 1/14 🧵
2/ Mearsheimer's argument that prospective NATO enlargement caused the Russian invasion in #Ukraine is about structural not immediate causes. Critics are right to point out that it can neither explain the exact timing, nor the explicit rhetoric and operational course of action.
3/ Mearsheimer's argument is about power, not security, however. Offensive realism expects Russia as a great power to strive for regional hegemony. As a result, Ukraine moving conclusively into the Western camp (NATO being just one aspect) is viewed as a threat to such ambitions.
Read 14 tweets
Apr 14, 2022
Since the "#Moskva" battle cruiser sank, here is an #armscontrol story: the ship was launched in 1979. Until 1996 it was known as "Slava". In July 1989 the Slava took part in a unique, joined US-Soviet scientific collaboration: The Black Sea experiment. 1/5
2/5 The experiment tested the use of helicopter-borne neutron detectors to detect nuclear warheads on the Slava. At the time the issue of naval nuclear weapons was salient. More particularly, long range SLCM had become a contentious issue in the START negotiations.
3/5 The Black Sea experiment was part of a series, which produced mixed results: two helicopters flew by the Slava at close range (30 snd 80 meters) to detect emissions from plutonium in a warhead. Still, the political problem was ultimately solved.
Read 5 tweets

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