Limitations of High-level Analyses : After the Dr Shiva presentation, there has been a lot of effort dedicated to to understanding the pattern he showed in his graph. Many tweets speculating about the reason such a pattern might be true / reasonable.
2. Some have compared the graphs across elections (2016 and 2020) to understand how the trends compare and what the differences may mean in terms of the voters. While these analyses are interesting from an academic perspective, we should ask what is actually being compared?
3. Let's take a step back from voting results analyses, and consider what these results are and what they represent. Using a random county as an example, an analysis of this county's precincts will show us the outlines / broad pattern of the votes tabulated for the county.
4. Tabulated! Not how they were cast (intended). This is a critical aspect that is must be considered in light of the shifting analysis I shared. We don't truly know the votes on the ballots, we only know how the ballots were tabulated.
5. This is why Dr Shiva uses a rough approximation using straight ticket voters. The concern of manipulation requires a substitute / alternate guide for what might be reasonable. His analysis showed the impact of this manipulation by making an axis the % of Rs in a precinct.
6. The trend in the graph only shows the outlines of the impact of the manipulation. While this is interesting, it's not possible to determine the overall / cumulative impact of the manipulation. Since our hypothetical county has different methods for voting, we needto understand
7. the differences of the manipulation for each type of method to accurately calculate the impact. The granularity of data necessary to to do this is rarely publicly available (e.g vote type by machine counter by batch). In VA, we can derive it to some extent using the Change log
8. With these individual batches, we clearly see a systematic pattern of manipulation. This can be potentially reverse engineered to understand how the process works. My working theory is it's self contained within the machine, using two variable :
9. 1st Var = number of ballots scanned. 2nd Var = lopsidedness of those votes (% of Ds vs Rs). This second variable would implicitly reflect the same axis Dr Shiva used to plot the pattern of manipulation he detected (%R in a precinct). We will need to test this theory.
10. Regardless, if we can determine a formula, we can use this to extrapolate the effect of the manipulation votes, which could give us an estimate of the total. But without the granular data, determining the impact can only be estimated with rough substitutes. One option would
11. be to compare unaffected and affected counties to get an approximation. It's less precise, but is the only alternative without the batch-level data. The problem is that a county could have 50% of it's votes affected and the other 50% not be. It could be 20% / 80%.
12. So, when doing comparisons between counties, the inferences that are drawn from the differences are themselves unclear without the knowledge of the processes that feed the overall totals that are being analyzed. Well, maybe we should compare the same county btwn elections?
13. If both elections were affected, a comparison will only show the different outlines of the manipulation. But questions linger : what is the same formula for the manipulation? what the % of votes affected the same? Are differences between the elections the result of
14. different turnout, diff voter preference, diff voting methods, etc. These are irrelevant to the core question of how much manipulation occurred. This is the crux of the problem, and with out the proper data, it's all speculation. This is why these high-level analyses are
15. limited in their usefulness in understanding the impact. In fact, they distract from the core question / issue, by accepting that the data is a true reflection of how the ballots were cast, rather than how they were tabulated. The most powerful aspect of these analyses is to
16. show there is an unnatural result that is systematically occurring. Anything further is speculative and of little use. Further scrutiny of the results of the election is needed, but unless they are used to determine an estimated impact, these only serve tobe discussion pieces
17. This weekend I'll be checking for the symmetric pattern in the 2016 data. This will help us establish if this existed before 2020. If I have time, I'll do 2012 as well. If all 3 elections have the pattern, I think understanding / developing a formula for the manipulation is
18. about as good as we will get to real answers. As for split ticket Rs in this election, and why these voters are the reason for this anomalous behavior. This is doesn't pass some sanity checks. ~95%s support from Rs, but they split off 10-20% in the batches? No way.
19. Or how about that many Rs don't like the Prez on a personal level. Sure, this is probably true. But that doesn't mean they wouldn't vote the man, especially considering the alternative. This argument mixes personal feeling with how the electorate would vote. Not reasonable.
20. These positions really are just trying to sidestep the core issue. The manipulation. These serves to explain / defend / justify the manipulation rather than address the problem of election interference. Don't fall for it!

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More from @FishingForInfo

14 Nov
Limitations of High-Level Analyses Part 2 : Some out there are taking Dr Shiva's analysis and replicating it for Democratic votes to compare and see if the pattern is different. From a couple I've seen, there is a similar downward linear pattern that's less steep.
2. This has led some to conclude that this is in fact a natural pattern that has naturally occurred as the result of the local the electorate, and therefore, there's nothing untoward about the pattern. If it's happening for both Ds and Rs, it can't be a problem. Right? No!
3. When you see the same downward linear slope, it doesn't mean the local electorate is uniquely voting in those areas. It means that manipulation is occurring on both sides. The different in the steepness of the pattern allows to understand the severity of the manipulation.
Read 12 tweets
13 Nov
Deep Dive Explanation of Approach / Analysis : I want to provide the context of the work I am doing, and the reasoning behind it. I started this with a question : Why did R's do so well down ballot, and not at the top? In order to answer this question, I needed a suitable dataset
2. The ideal dataset would allow us to see, for each batch of ballots, the landscape of the votes (e.g. which candidates received the votes, and by what proportions). And not just any batch would suffice to perform this analysis.
3. Batches of ballots needed to be large (e.g. many ballots), and must include votes for Prez, Senate, and House Rep for both Dems and Reps (3 races x 2 parties). The batch is a self contained example of voting behavior, that would be random within a district.
Read 18 tweets
12 Nov
1. Change Log Update : Batch Analysis. As far as I know, there isn't a data source available of how batches of ballots voted. We see the batches in the Edison data feed, and can see their impact on the Dem / Rep %s. But that's for the President. What about down ballot? Let's see!
2. Seeing how Dem & Rep candidates performed down ballot compared to the Prez is a powerful insight that can tell us how more about what these batches contain. @va_shiva had a presentation about weighted race voting, and while I'm not familiar, the pattern I'm seeing might
3. be what his analysis showed in MI. Now these batches are in VA. I've focused on CD-1, CD-10, and CD-11. The other criteria was that the batch of votes had to be >1000 for both Biden and Trump. The big batches are more meaningful in terms of trends.
Read 10 tweets
11 Nov
1. Change Log Update : I've spent some time going through the data to get a better understanding of the relationships between the rows, and how to identify batches of votes that were loaded into the system. I focused on the largest batches in CD-1, CD-10, and CD-11.
2. I was particularly focused on batches that had both Dem and Rep candidates for Prez, Senate, and House. The purpose was to compare the votes across the ballots. Expecting to see Prez with the largest numbers, and the Senate / House being lower numbers.
3. Well, this is true for the Dem candidates, but not for Rep candidates. I haven't manually checked all the batches, but this tends to hold true for smaller batches (less than 50K). Here is an example of what I mean for this unusual trend in the votes of these batches.
Read 14 tweets
10 Nov
Found another file on VA website. This one is a "Change Control" log for votes in the system. I've only begun to explore this, but there's some interesting activity for VA-7 for Spanberger. On Oct 30th, a preload change was initiated that would expire at 11/4 @ 4:13AM
At 4:13AM, 66,498 votes are assigned to her with an expiration of 11/5 @ 11:26 AM. When this comes around, the total is adjusted to 63,687. Reason given is "Tabulation Error in Precinct". The last change has no expiration date. These changes affected Chesterfield County.
This lines up with the raw vote total for Spanberger in Chesterfield County. There's also a change records to assign Rashid (VA-1) in Stafford county. See both pics attached :
Read 8 tweets
9 Nov
@WontMarch4Soros @bedivere_knight @ColdPotatoSpud After thinking about the data / analyses I've been doing on the raw data vs website and other reports, I believe I have an explanation for why Rashid has so many more votes than Wittman. This will be a long explanation :
1. This explanation may bounce around a bit, but touches on different aspects of the pics I've posted across different threads. Ask questions if things don't seem to follow, since they are related.
If we think about how elections work, different precincts will have diff ballots
2. The ballots are different because downstream the (house reps) are different in the various districts. There are only two races that will be on every ballot across every district precinct. Senate and President. This is important.
Read 24 tweets

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