Key questions about the EU-China investment agreement (CAI) have not yet been discussed. Quick thread.
Is the conclusion of CAI a strategic move by EU governments, led on this issue by German chancellor Angela Merkel, or is it just path-dependent “business as usual”?

What are the strategic implications?
Will the CAI increase Europe’s (Germany’s) considerable economic dependency on China, making it even harder in the future to say “no” to China? Will it move Europe further towards the position where Beijing wants to see it -- politically neutral between the US and China?
Could the CAI derail the transatlantic effort to build a joint strategy? Will it drive a wedge between the EU and the US, making it harder to deal jointly with China's distortions of the market economy and its effort “to make the world safe for autocracy”?
Will the CAI live up to its promises: will it change the behaviour of the CCP with regard to forced transfer of intellectual property, “level playing field” etc? Can the agreement be credibly enforced by the EU alone? Is the EU in a position of strength vis-à-vis China?
How does the CAI affect the "tech race" -- will it provide China with additional opportunities in the race for technological leadership, allowing it to become even more dominant economically and politically?
The EU has stated in March 2019 that China is a “systemic rival” and an “economic competitor”, besides being a “partner”. It is unclear how the CAI fits into this framework.
Conclusion: A proper debate of the CAI must focus on the impact of the agreement on the systemic competition between market economy and state-led economy, and between the liberal and autocratic order.

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More from @ulrichspeck

19 Dec 20
Here are my three questions regarding the EU-China investment agreement. trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/press/i…
1) Is it wise to deepen our economic dependence from China at a moment when we realise that China is increasingly using economic dependency for geo-strategic gains? Shouldn't we, in light of that new reality, rethink our economic ties to China?
2) Is the new agreement likely to provide Beijing additional opportunities to obtain advanced European technology? Technology that can be used to outcompete Europeans unfairly in the markets (with the help of the Chinese state) or that may strengthen China's military?
Read 6 tweets
24 Oct 20
You hear it everywhere: "There's no going back to the good old days of the transatlantic relationship even if Biden wins". But is it true? A thread.
First, the premise is questionable. There are no "good old days" in transatlantic relations. They have never been harmonious. Just like intra-European relations are never harmonious. There have always been clashes between worldviews, interests, personality.
Secondly, what we would see with Biden is a return of Obama people into leading foreign policy positions. The Obama administration was a time when transatlantic relations were good, or very good, when cooperation was largely successful, from the financial crisis to Ukraine.
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23 Oct 20
Putin's view of Germany as an emerging superpower is surprising. He may just want to saw a bit of confusion. Or he may really believe it. If it's the latter, why should he?
He may think that Russia is facing two economic powerhouses limiting expansion and at least indirectly challenging its spheres of influence (or control), China and Germany.
Indeed while it has been cautious not to offend Russia, Germany nevertheless has strongly supported Ukraine and played an important role in NATO's return back to territorial defense and deterrence.
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16 Oct 20
Belarus, Nagorno-Karabakh: The Kremlin seems to loose its iron grip on its neighborhood. This begs the question: How successful has Putin's foreign policy been? A thread.
Starting point: Putin has two major foreign policy goals:

a) Control of the neighborhood, ie Eastern Europe, Southern Caucasus, Central Asia, parts of Middle East and North Africa. Pretty much like during the times of the Soviet Union.
b) Standing on eye level with the US: be respected globally and have a seat on the table when global issues are being negotiated, one way or the other.
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25 Sep 20
EU foreign policy: ending the unanimity requirement by introducing some sort of majority voting (QMV) on foreign affairs has become the next holy grail in the debate. Quick thread.
Yet we have to get rid of the idea that some sort of institutional arrangement will end the disagreement and produce magically a united, coherent EU capable and will to act like a great power on the world stage.
We have been there before. Once it was the introduction of a Brussels-based diplomatic service and a foreign minister-like figure that would end the „gridlock“. Yet we have both now, and still no broad consensus, rather the opposite.
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15 Sep 20
Germany feels more uncomfortable with NS2 more than ever, but it feels equally uncomfortable with abandoning the project. And the reason for this is geopolitical.
It feels uncomfortable because it is concerned about Navalny and about Belarus, which are seen just the last points in a long list of aggressive acts by Russia. Ukraine was the wake-up call, the gamer-changer, 2020 is the confirmation that Russia is not really a partner.
Yet it's difficult to change course after years of pushing NS2 through against the will and views of EU neighbors. And US pressure doesn't help, as bowing to it would look as if Germany had become a vassal of Trump.
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