Hello everyone arguing about the #minimumwage! Someday I'll post a thread about the evidence our @UW team compiled in Seattle.

Today let's talk about hours.

Raise the wage on most low-paying jobs & workers still don't have enough to live on. Because they can't get enough hours.
The graph above is based on data from WA: one of only 4 states that collects systematic data on hours worked. It shows information for anyone earning under $11/hr in 2014-15, when the minimum wage was no more than $9.47.

The data have some important limitations:
-No information on gig/contractor employment
-No "informal" employment
-No jobs outside WA

However if a worker is holding 2+ job we can "see" all of them and include them all in calculating how many hours they work.

The median low wage worker works ~800 hours per year.
With a $15 minimum wage, working 800 hours/year, your annual income works out to $12,000.

That's below the poverty line for a single person, and less than half the poverty line for a family of 4.

Whereas if you could get full time hours (2,000/year) your income would be $30k.
The problem with low wage work (aside from low wages): these jobs tend to be unstable, seasonal, or offered by employers that need a large workforce for a limited number of hours per week.

Since the minimum wage is specified in dollars/hour, it can't guarantee a living income.
The @CityofSeattle, and a few other places, have tried to address the hours problem. They've enacted regulations to make hours more stable and predictable, which is a worthy goal. But a job offering a stable, predictable 10 hours a week isn't going to earn you a living.
A century ago, the first minimum wage policies adopted in states like Oregon and Massachusetts set a *weekly* minimum, not hourly. What would a policy like that look like today?

Imagine this: every job must offer either
a) $15/hour
b) $400/week for up to 40 hrs ($15/hr overtime)
Option b) allows businesses to pay as little as $10/hour, if they consistently offer full-time hours.

In exchange for a lower hourly rate, businesses would have to accept risk that, under current policy, they shift to workers.

Consider the case of a beer garden in Seattle.
If the weather's rainy, there won't be many customers and thus little revenue. When workers are paid by the hour, the beer garden passes a portion of this revenue hit to workers by telling them to stay home if it rains.

(at least in the days before Seattle regulated this!)
The hybrid weekly/hourly wage policy would give businesses a choice: they can pay less per hour if they're willing to bear risk themselves. Or they can pay a higher rate that compensates workers for bearing the risk instead.
The hybrid minimum, unlike a straight hourly minimum, would offer at least some workers a guaranteed income above the poverty line (for certain household sizes, anyway).

The main argument against? Same as for the traditional minimum wage: it might reduce employment.
Would it really reduce employment? If so, by how much? That's a thread for another day...

/fin

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More from @JakeVigdor

23 Jul 20
Q: Why is rent so high? (median US renter paid 14% of income for rent in 1960, 24% by 2017.)

That’s the topic of my new paper with @evansuw alum Alanna Williams, presented this morning @nberpubs #NBERSI2020.

Want the answer (or at least a partial one)? Follow along! (1/11) Image
First some clues to the mystery: this is more a story of rents rising fast, rather than incomes falling. Renter incomes track inflation well, but sometime around 1970 rents started accelerating ahead of inflation. Had rents just tracked inflation they’d be about 50% lower today. Image
It’s a story of rents for older apartments rising, in particular. Long ago, affordable housing was created through depreciation, not construction. Older units rented at a significant discount – 25% off for a 10-20 year old unit. There’s still a discount, but it is smaller. ImageImage
Read 11 tweets
9 Jan 20
Here, #econtwitter, is a photo (replete with San Diego Marriott poolside lounge chair backdrop) of the AEA budget for FY 2020. I picked it up at the sparsely attended business meeting at #ASSA2020.

Although printed in black, there's some serious red ink. Let's explore.
The AEA operating budget was in the black five years ago. This year, they expect to spend $1.23 for every $1 in operating revenue. What gives?

Revenues (+7% in nominal terms 2015-2020) are not keeping up with expenses (+35.5%).
You know how the AEA is actually doing important stuff, like the RCT registry, @LetoC's ombuds office, workshops, and so forth?

"Program and activity" expenses are up 85% over five years. The association is dipping into its bank account to pay for them.
Read 9 tweets
5 Sep 19
In light of the recent suicides of Alan Krueger and Martin Weitzman, economists & other professionals at risk of aging might find insight in this recent letter penned by Princeton professor emeritus Avinash Dixit.

Thread follows.
Dixit's letter was written in response to @ArthurBrooks' recent @TheAtlantic essay, which is itself a must read for any professional at risk of aging:
theatlantic.com/magazine/archi…
@arthurbrooks @TheAtlantic There's a mental trap to be wary of. We might call it the life=work trap. Not exclusively a risk for economists or academics more broadly, but a significant one.

There's the old joke: "academics are the only people who retire so they can get some work done."
Read 7 tweets
7 Aug 19
ICYMI @NickKristof found "reason for hope" in a groundbreaking experimental study by @OppInsights. Go read if you haven't, then come back here for a contrarian thread: in broader context, this is a desert island of hope in a rising sea of despair.
nytimes.com/2019/08/03/opi…
@NickKristof @OppInsights The @OppInsights study showed that offering assistance to Seattle-area housing voucher recipients made them about 40 percentage points more likely to use their vouchers to rent an apartment in "high opportunity" neighborhoods.

Link to the study here:
opportunityinsights.org/wp-content/upl…
@NickKristof @OppInsights "High opportunity" in this case is defined as neighborhoods where low-income kids born 36-41 years ago wound up earning more money as adults. This matters critically. I'm going to refer to these as "neighborhoods historically associated with upward mobility" (NHAWUMs).
Read 18 tweets
20 Jun 19
Six weeks ago, I invited the 9 candidates for AEA leadership positions to offer statements on pressing issues in the economics profession, including diversity/inclusion & the publication process.

Response rate, as of today: zero.

There is, of course, an economic explanation...
Economics teaches us that producers profit from imposing scarcity of their product, restricting output and imposing barriers to entry. They gain, would-be competitors and consumers lose.

This is what economists preach. It is also what they practice.
Fourcade, Ollion and Algan (2015) document the peculiar economic practice of restricting professional leadership to the top departments. Our leaders are nominated by a committee, themselves drawn predominantly from top departments. Our peer institutions behave very differently.
Read 10 tweets
24 May 19
My thoughts on academic publishing are heavily influenced by the four years I spent co-editing the Berkeley Electronic Journal in Economic Analysis & Policy (BEJEAP).

Theoretically it still exists today, but it bears little resemblance to what it once was. A brief tale.
One of several journals established as a brainchild of @ProfAaronEdlin about 20 years ago, I signed on in 2008 to work alongside some great colleagues including @orianabandiera, @deanyang, @ProfFionasm, @stevepuller, Gary Solon, Don Fullerton, Eric Zitzewitz, Nolan Miller...
Helmut Cremer, Michael Baker, Nuno Limao, Tom Buchmueller, Albert Ma, John Morgan, and Thierry Verdier.

I learned a great deal by reading their thoughtful decision letters to authors.

Here's what BEJEAP and its sibling journals did that was innovative for the time.
Read 12 tweets

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