An interesting orthographic feature of early Quranic vocalisation is that it differentiates word-initial ʾa from ʾā by the position of the fatḥah. For ʾa the fatḥah is to the RIGHT of the ʾalif and for ʾā it is to the LEFT.
ʾahli l-kitābi
ʾāmanū
This is a bit puzzling, because conceptually, Arab grammarians think of ʾāmanū to consist of hamzah followed by fatḥah and then ʾalif. So it is rather odd that the dot that denotes the hamzah comes after the ʾalif.
Al-Dānī in his muḥkam, a description of vocalisation agrees:
"All the dotters of ʿIrāq disagree with the people of Medina and others (notably Andalus and Maghreb) on the word-initial hamzah carrying a fatḥah which has an ʾalif after it within a single word, for example: ʾāmana, ʾādama and ʾāzara. They place it after the ʾalif.
There is no basis for this, since (the hamzah) is pronounced before the ʾalif, preceding it. So how could it be placed behind it, while the fatḥah that follows it is connected to the dot?!"
Al-Dānī's horror of this bizarre practice is palpable.
And indeed if we look at Maghrebi Qurans from a bit after his time, we see see the practice that he endorses for the Maghreb, with the yellow hamzah dot at the height of the fatḥah *before* the ʾalif, carrying a fatḥah
ʾātaynāhum(u)
ʾāyātinā
wa-ʾāmana
However, the muḥkam is ostensibly talking about *dotting* and placing a red DOT fatḥah on top of the yellow dot of the hamzah, rather than the red strokes.
One could chalk that up to an imprecision of description in the case of the fatḥah and kasrah...
But in these discussions, al-Dānī is explicit that the ḍammah is not the shape of a miniature wāw above the letter (which it is in maghrebi manuscripts like these), but a red dot that stands on the baseline to the left of the letter, which manuscripts like these do not have.
However, if we actually go back to a time that the Maghreb region still produced manuscripts with red dots for the vowels, rather than red versions of the modern signs, we do not actually find the practice described by al-Dānī.
The Palermo Quran (dated 372 AH/982-3 AD) is an absolute masterpiece of the 'New Style' of quranic script. Written in the popular reading of Warš ʿan Nāfiʿ, it displays many of the subtle orthography features that al-Dānī describes in detail.
Thus it uses the red stroke to mark the ʾalif al-waṣl, with placement at the top denoting preceding vowel is fatḥah, below if the preceding vowel is kasrah, and in the middle to if the preceding vowel is ḍammah.
wa-r-rukkaʿi s-suǧūdi
yudḫilu llādīna
It also uses the red line and a blue dot to denote an elided hamzah:
al-ʾabhār > alabhār
There is also uses of a set of semi-circles oriented in different ways to denoted long consonants followed by a vowels (visible with the assimilated definite article in the previous tweet)
These are all practices that al-Dānī understood fully well, and described accurately and in detail, even though not all of these practices make it into the later Maghrebi manuscripts. He seems to have a clear memory or understanding of documents such as these.
However, when it comes to the spelling of the hamzah, his description is simply not in line with what we see. To al-Dānī the yellow dot of the hamzah should be accompanied by a red dot for the vowel. We never see this. The yellow dot does double duty:
ʾinna
ʾan
etc.
But the most striking thing is, that al-Dānī's so despised "Iraqi" practice of placing the yellow dot of ʾā AFTER the alif is found in such manuscripts as well!
ʾāmanū
To my knowledge, the system as he describes it does not appears in manuscripts at all.
So what's going on? Was he being prescriptivist? Or was he mostly familiar with the 'modern' vocalisation with normal signs for the vowels, and he simply extrapolated what he knew from those, and applied them to the dotting system without checking?
Or are we missing a crucial missing link between the Palermo Quran (10th century) and the more 'modern' Maghrebi Qurans of the 12th century and later (al-Dānī himself was an 11th century scholar)?
Questions which, as of yet, do not have a clear answer.
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One of the great mysteries of the Quranic reading traditions are their many phonetic irregularities, that seem to have no purpose except to show off some grammatical oddity. One of these is the ʾimālah of al-kēfīrīna. Ibn Ḫālawayh in his Ḥuǧǧah has an interesting discussion. 🧵
The plural of 'disbelievers', besides the now popular kuffār, is also kāfirūna in the Quran. In the genitive and accusative this becomes kāfirīna. Some readers read this (and ONLY this) as kēfirīna.
This is the reading of: ʾAbū ʿAmr, al-Dūrī ← al-Kisāʾī and Ruways ← Yaʿqūb.
In his al-Ḥuǧǧah fī l-Qirāʾāt al-Sabʿ, Ibn Ḫālawayh sets out to rationalize and explain the practices of the seven readers canonized by his teacher, Ibn Mujāhid. He also discusses al-Kēfirīna. Let's translate and give commentary along the way.
There are verses in the Quran that are interesting because they form doublets: two verses that are almost verbatim identical in their contents.
There is a triplet like this Q7:141, Q14:6 (and a little different Q2:49) present an interesting text critical conundrum.
The most elaborate version is the one in Q14:6
"And (remember) when Moses said to his people: "Remember the grace of god upon you when he delivered you from the people of Pharaoh who were imposing upon you horrible punishment, slaughtering your sons, and keeping your women alive
In that there is a great trial from your lord."
Both Q2:49 and Q7:141 get rid of the framing introduction.
Q2:49 uses a slightly different verse for "to deliver", naǧǧā instead of ʾanǧā -- two verbs of the same root with identical meaning.
Last year I co-wrote and published an article titled "I am the Messiah and I Can Revive the Dead", on a Jewish polemic against Jesus, detailing his life.
Considering the time of year, I thought it was close enough to appropriate to write a thread on.
Before writing this article, I had never heard of the Toledot Yeshu "the Life/Generations of Jesus", and my only contribution to the article is the translation of the text. My co-author Craig Evans had noticed I had worked on some Judeo-Arabic, and asked if I wanted to help out.
It was fun to do. As it turns out there are a whole group of different versions of this text, in a whole range of different languages. All of them detailing the heretical life of Jesus (name Yeshu without expected final ʿAyn in the Judeo-Arabic).
One of the interesting, but seldom described features of Classical Arabic (i.e. "that which the grammarians describe") is the presence of a front rounded vowel ǖ [yː]. This is said to occur in some dialects in the passives of hollow verbs, e.g. qǖla 'it is said' instead of qīla.
Early descriptions mention this use for underived hollow roots, and it can be seen as the outcome of a Proto-Arabic *uwi which collapsed, not to /ī/, as becomes the standard, but to /ǖ/. Originally then hollow roots had the standard passive pattern *quwila.
As mentioned by al-Farrāʾ (first picture previous tweet), al-Kisāʾī would make ample use of this in recitation. In fact, he regularly does it for every single passive underived hollow verb. Several other readers use it too, but for them the pattern is less regular.
In the new volume by Segovia, there's an article that makes me feel like we have stepped into a time machine, all progress of the past decades is ignored. Emilio Ferrín argues for a Wansbrough-style late (post 800 CE) compilation of the Quran.
Here's why this doesn't work. 🧵
Ferrín pays lip service to the existence of Quranic manuscript fragments, but takes issue with the term "fragments" as it suggests that these "fragments" are part of a "whole". But he considers the texts to be compiled together only later.
It's rather clear that he has never actually looked at any of these manuscripts, otherwise he would not suggest something so absurd. And indeed, his discussion on early manuscripts makes it quite clear he is utterly clueless about them.
While not there in the flesh, #sblaar20 and #iqsa2020 got me in a comparative mood between Hebrew and Arabic. I was reading some Zamaḫšarī's mufaṣṣal today and noticed an interesting comment on hollow root active participles, which may provide a link with Hebrew.
"As for the weakness in the active participle of those like qāla 'to say' and bāʿa 'to sell', the second root consonant is to be replaced with a hamzah, as in your speech qāʾilun 'saying', bāʾiʿun 'selling', and sometimes it is removed like your speech: šākun 'thorny'"
So while the normal pattern of such hollow roots active participles CāʾiC, there is at least one exceptional case where we find a pattern CāC. This caught my attention, because Hebrew has an unusual active participle for hollow roots that looks very similar to this.