I receive comments such as: Ok, I get your data, but what can we do to make this work? A thread with ideas on achieving North-South convergence and making the €zone work for all countries /1
In its current architecture, the eurozone is a web of glass—superficially stable, but brittle when subject to shocks. To avoid a break-up and render it resilient for the long term, the sources of this fragility must be identified and remedied. /2
The reasons for the €Z’s fragility are essentially political; technical solutions have been on the table for years. There is a lack of intergovernmental trust, especially in the North, and a lack of legitimacy in the eyes of the population, especially in the South. /3
That's why I am so vocal in criticising nonsense about Italy and Southern Europe. If we don't increase trust, necessary projects won't get off the ground. /4
The € was linked to the promise of "prosperity for all" - which has not materialised. We must say this if we want to improve: per capita incomes in Northern and Southern €countries have drifted further apart; there are large regional differences within individual countries. /5
Economics helps explain why the member states are diverging. Successful companies tend to cluster in areas with lots of other high-productivity, high-value-adding companies. /6
Even though wages, rents and other costs may be lower elsewhere, companies prefer clusters because they offer strong regional labour markets, supplier and customer networks, research-and-development spillovers and other synergies. /7
Structural advantages have allowed the countries in the North to increase their lead since the euro was founded. At the same time, the convergence of living standards - although postulated as a goal - has never been a real priority of European economic policy in practice /8
A promising way forward is to reaffirm the promise of convergence and match the words of yesterday with the actions of tomorrow. Only thus can trust be restored and the euro endure. /9
But: fostering convergence through permanent fiscal transfers is neither politically nor economically viable. Even in the past, proposals along these lines failed to find majority support; there is little to suggest this will change after coronavirus crisis. /10
It is good that we have the EU recovery fund given the size of the shock. And I'm in favour of developing it into a permanent fiscal capacity to allow for macroeconomic stabilisation in future crises. But such an instrument can't break the underlying path-dependent divergence /11
Permanent transfers are not a solution. Within-country experiences in Germany and Italy show that income transfers alone—whether through pensions, unemployment insurance or welfare payments—do not lead to underlying economic convergence among regions. /12
A more promising approach is to even out the regional distribution of value added. Andalusia, the Uckermark and metropolitan areas such as Naples or Thessaloniki should be brought to similar levels of productivity as Munich, Milan or the Amsterdam metropolitan area. /13
The tools exist: a European industrial strategy; targeted investments in infrastructure, research and development and key technologies; a rethink of European Central Bank policy, possibly with regional differentiation; a European investment budget deserving of the name. /14
All these instruments could help upward convergence across the regions, not by redistributing the fruits of growth but by spreading economic activity more evenly. /15
Just as the United States government has strengthened the Silicon valley through public investment, particularly in high technology, structurally weak parts of the eurozone could be promoted through similar approaches. /16
A European industrial policy could deliberately place parts of green and strategic value chains—battery production, medical supplies or green mobility—in structurally disadvantaged regions. Public procurement, e.g. for high-value products, could be used just as strategically. /17
All this requires us to be optimistic and bold, and to refrain from self-fulfilling pessimism. Repeating the old mantras (e.g. more fiscal consolidation pressure and labour market liberalisation for Italy) won't solve the major problems after COVID. /18
In any case, the future of the €zone requires a political decision: either we abandon the euro’s promise after COVID or we recommit to it. If the latter, then a mission-oriented political and economic convergence project must follow. /19
This requires us to work with Italy, the third-largest €zone economy and the second-largest industrial location. We would lose so much strength for all our future European projects if we were to lose Italy due to self-fulfilling pessimism. /end
Ho recentemente lanciato un'iniziativa su twitter, la Campagna contro le sciocchezze sull'Italia (#CAIN). Finora ho twittato in inglese, ma ora cercherò di renderla disponibile anche in italiano. Questo thread spiega perché penso che questa iniziativa sia necessaria /1
ll modo in cui giornalisti e politici scrivono e parlano dell'Italia e del Sud Europa è spesso distorto - specialmente nell'opinione pubblica "frugale". L'Italia non è il caso disperato dell'immaginario popolare. Il modo in cui si parla delle cose conta molto. /2
Questo è stato evidente nelle prime fasi della crisi COVID, quando i leader "frugali" hanno usato immagini distorte del Sud Europa per ridimensionare le sovvenzioni del recovery fund dell'UE. /3
As the announcement of the New Draghi government is approaching, here is a thread with a couple of thoughts why I think that political leaders in Europe should push for a "New Southern Policy". Bottom line: the EU as a whole would be stronger with a strengthened Italy /1 #CAIN
Italy certainly has significant structural problems, e.g. the banking sector, the North-South divide, organized crime or dysfunctional political elements. Other members also have their own problems. The question is: Under what conditions is Italy able to tackle such problems? /2
In this country of 60 million people, my reading of the political economy situation is that economic decline relative to other members over the last 20 years has been a breeding ground for fatalism rather than optimism. /3
I receive pushback by mainstream voices in Italy: "Don't say that 🇮🇹 pushed for large fiscal consolidation already! Don't say that there were labour market deregulation measures, which have not worked magic. It's too radical!"
The monopoly for criticising economic policy should not be in the hands of radical voices. I think one of the reasons why we are where we are is that the "mainstream" has for too long remained silent and fallen in line with the fiscal consolidation/structural reforms mantra. /2
I think we should be honest and say: running large primary surpluses over 30 years has had serious economic and political side effects. We should not just say: let's double down and push even more after the COVID19 crisis. It will not work. /3
This thread presents data that strongly reject claims that 🇮🇹's problem has been a lack of fiscal discipline.
Italy is the pre-Corona world champion of fiscal consolidation - with problems for investment, growth and debt sustainability /1
Many claim that Italy just didn't do enough fiscal consolidation to fix its public finances. In fact, fiscal consolidation in Italy was far more sizeable than in any other advanced country (from early 1990s up to financial crisis) - according to IMF data. /2
Due to Covid, Italy’s public debt has jumped to ~160% of GDP. It’s important to understand why Italy's public debt was high already before Corona: primarily because of the legacy of the 1980s and 1990s, when interest rates on government bonds skyrocketed. /3
I am today launching a small twitter initiative, the Campaign Against Nonsense about Italy (#CANI). I’ll be tweeting data and arguments for countering myths about Italy’s state and economy. In this thread, I’ll explain why I think this is necessary /1
The way journalists, politicians and economists write and talk about Italy and Southern Europe is often distorted – especially in the “frugal” public sphere. Italy is not the basket case of the popular narrative. The way we speak about stuff matters a lot for policy debates. /2
This was apparent in earlier stages of the COVID crisis, when “frugal” leaders used distorted pictures of Southern Europe to size down the grants in the EU recovery fund. If only Italy were willing to reform along "frugal" lines, things would be splendid! /3
My meta-analysis on corporate tax competition is out in European Journal of Political Economy. The results point to tax competition as a major factor in explaining reductions in corporate tax rates. Data and specification choices affect results: Thread /1
Statutory corporate income tax rates have declined substantially in EU countries over the past decades. However, it's not straightforward to what extent these observed declines in corporate tax rates are explained by tax competition; it could also be due to other factors. /2
The literature doesn't provide general conclusions on magnitude of corporate tax competition: while several papers report clear empirical support for corporate tax competition, other papers either find no clear support or at least present mixed evidence. Meta-analysis can help /3