I have seen many posts lately framing food or water blockaids to civilians as 4 cuts (Phyet-Lay-Phyet)
It is all connected, but '4 cuts' is something much more evil.
'4 cuts' aims to cut off civilian support to armed groups, by displacing, killing and terrorising the civilians
There are disagreements about what the '4 cuts' actually are.
Many scholars have claimed the aim is to stop civilians from providing 4 things - often choosing 4 from food, funding, resources, recruits, sancturary, intelligence.
(It is all these things - take your pick.)
Maung Aung Myoe analysed a military conference in 1968 and shows the 4th cut was supposed to "make the people cut off the insurgent's head", i.e. turning the people against the armed groups
In practice, decades of 4 cuts has firmly turned milllions of people against the Tatmadaw
In practice, the strategy has focused on forcibly removing hundreds of thousands of people from areas influenced by armed groups.
Those who stay on their homeland cannot sustain livelihoods and live in fear of rape, torture, landmines in their fields & other horrors.
Wide areas are labelled as "black areas" where everyone is ordered to leave. Those who stay are treated as combatants
Civilian settlements are airstriked or shelled. Then the army's most rabid infantry units are sent in to conduct clearance ops, killing & raping as they go
Livestock are killed.
Rice fields and homes are sewn with landmines.
Holes are shot in pots and pans.
Village rice mills are bent out of shape.
Harvests are burned
Non-Buddhist religious symbols and books are defaced
Schools are trashed.
Everything valuable is taken.
Hundreds of thousands of people are forced:
1) Into hiding in the forests 2) Into refugee and IDP camps; or 3) Into government-controlled camps, many of which are forced relocation or internment camps
The strategy was first developed for the Burma Communist Party, so we should not be surprised that they target Bamar ppl too.
Nonetheless, the strategy has been increasingly racialised over the years, coupled with programmes to 'develop' & 'educate' non-Bamar 'national races'
People of the same ethnic group as the local armed group are targeted while other ethnic groups are offered protection in return for loyalty and intelligence.
The strategy is gendered too. Woman face the majority of sexual violence; men are more regularly tortured for info.
In the wild imaginations of TMD officers, this cleansing process will transform black areas into white areas.
Then conceited projects for the "development of national races" can transform the locals into model Bamar-speaking citizens who will learn to love the mother country.
Muslim #Rohingya people faced the Tatmadaw's most excessive ever 4-cuts operations in 16-17
But now, once again, they target Bamar Buddhists in their heartland.
They will do this to anyone who challenges their power. It has become routine.
This killing machine has one gear. It cannot be switched off until it runs out of fuel or is smashed into pieces.
Despite talk about Tatmadaw being bigger and better funded than the PDFs, this has never been the decisive factor.
Much more important will be how resilient communities are in their support for the resistance.
Read it from the Tatmadaw yourself (1968 via Maung Aung Myoe:
From China to Afghanistan, many smaller armies have defeated bigger ones.
They have done this by making it impossible for the bigger military to function by harrassing supply lines, demoralising troops, exhausting resources and maintaining popular support for a long period.
If the NUG is successful, it won't be because Federal Army troops matched the Tatmadaw and then marched down Sule Pagoda Road to waving flags.
It will be because every fruit seller, teacher & farmer was given a cause to believe in and risked everything for as long as it took.
CORRECTION!!
Pakkoku District is in Magway Region, not Sagaing.
Myanmar is NOT taking in thousands of 'foreign fighters' from Afghanistan or other protracted int'l war zones.
Myanmar is NOT seeing millions of dollars of funding handed to all sides of the conflict by regional and global powers, nor international Islamist networks
Myanmar is NOT being taken over by ISIS
Myanmar is NOT prone to sectarian violence between communities (despite a few elite-orchestrated anti-Islamic attacks in '12-13 and '16-17).
Myanmar has almost NEVER seen communities of different ethnicities fight each other directly.
It emphasises the important alliance between (mostly Bamar) pro-democratic forces from the heartland alongside ethnic pro-federal movements
It analyses and supports Part 1 of the Federal Democratic Charter, also known as "The Declaration of Federal Democracy.
It notes that the charter:
- Is a crucial and impressive first step given practical situation
- Represents 4 blocs that 2gether can stop the coup
- Contains unprecedented agreement on federal principles
- Includes robust diversity & protection measures for women and minorities
This is especially the case in rural areas, where taxation, land registration, welfare payments and any number of other functions run through the Village Tract Administrator.
In the past week, the #MyanmarMilitary has gone back 10 years, reversing decentralisation reforms
[AFAIK]
Now, Township Administrators (330 nationwide) are all uniformed military commanders
They names Ward and Village Tract Administrators, who are invariably men and stooges of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.
In 2011, while the Myanmar Army was struggling to fight combined forces of KNU, DKBA and KNU/KNLA-PC...
...the military government began transporting prisoners from across the country to the southeast so they could be forced to porter military equipment. hrw.org/report/2011/07…
He was one of these prisoners. He was hit by a DKBA bullet in the shoulder and hip, before managing to flee across enemy lines and give himself up.
They realised he was not the enemy and so he was allowed to live. He eventually found his way to Mae Tao clinic, Mae Sot, Thailand
Police are being given powers in public writing to arrest anyone and act without permission of local administrators.
Those administrators (with bands of local people banging pots and pans) are having to take justice in their own hands and apprehend thugs to protect citizens.
The thugs are often on drugs and, after being apprehended, are admitting that they have been paid significant sums of cash to commit these acts. Some are still carrying their prison release forms from yesterday
Myanmar's 42 prisons, 5 detentions centres and 48 labour camps are vastly overcrowded. In June 2019, there were 85,000 prisoners despite official capacity of just 72,000.
Lack of detention centres means prisons often used before trial.
This risks public safety and increasing crime rates
Myanmar does not have a parole system or meaningful rehabilitation services for prisoners.
When prisoners are released, it is not based on good behaviour or an assessment of their ability to return to non-criminal life